Thematic Quotes from Yana Knopova
I was always active. I don't think that anything had changed, maybe only the field of activism. I had always been active in minorities' struggles for rights. In the Ukraine it was the Jewish minority. Now it's the minority that's changed, not me; the current minority is the Palestinians.
Currently we're undergoing a process of disillusionment; our principles are expanding, as are our social views, and the radical aspect is growing and becoming more profound. Our link to other struggles is getting stronger, larger and more profound. I'm very excited about this process. I hope I've contributed to it in some way. I think that [the linking of our struggle with other struggles] is what is going to solve this conflict in the end. My views aren't based at all on the conflict with the Palestinians. That conflict is one of many symptoms of a badly put together world. It's a patriarchal system, aggressive, horrible, based on specific economic interests.
We think that whoever promotes the notion of a two-state solution holds a capitalist view. All the factories will move to Palestine, workers there will not have any social protection and will be used by the Israeli upper class while all the Palestinian-Israelis, Mizrachi people, and whoever works in the factories now will be left jobless. There is an upper class that benefits in Palestine too, but also in Israel. For me there is no view that furthers the existence of two states but an economic confederation. Economically speaking, we should be under joint jurisdiction, which would not threaten workers on both sides and would improve the status of workers in Palestine.
The Russian sector appears to be very racist. I wouldn't say it's necessarily by choice. The Russian media is extremely problematic; it leads people in certain directions. For a long time I thought Russians were "born" racist, but then I worked for the Jewish Agency's tours project and saw that there are so many people from there, left-wingers, right-wingers, radicals. What is problematic is the absorption process for the immigrants here. It begins with the Jewish Agency's tours, then the Russian media, and then their sons are drafted into the army.
The intentions are good, but the process is as follows: there are good intentions; it all begins with the best of intentions! After that start you have the unequal numbers of Arabs and Jews, and the Ashkenazi Jews, mostly men, who are more eloquent speakers, for example, take up more space in the discussions, and influence it more than the Palestinians or Mizrachis or women or any other group.
[T]he Palestinians endure harsher financial constraints than the Jews, and it's evident. These organizations have Jews that are professors and Palestinians who are working class. How long can a person hold it together? The professors can contribute their time, make phone calls, but the working class people have to work.
The Oslo Accords pushed many coexistence groups into being. As one of our members likes to tell us, she had a coexistence meeting when she was at school and the Palestinians wanted to talk about the Nakba while the Jews wanted to do belly dancing. Enough. That period is over and I think it's for the best. I think that one good thing the intifada and the events of October 2000 did was that now at least we know what we're up against. At least I learned [the lesson]; I hope I'm not addressing people that want to eat hummus with Palestinians and think that's the way to bring peace. It doesn't work that way.
Nowadays I think we're witnessing a revival of the Arab Jewish identity among what is termed Mizrahi people. I think that they have the key to true peace, a kind of peace that is right for the Middle East, a peace that will be achieved by Arab Jews and Christian and Muslim Arabs. It's an inter-Arab issue and the state here will be an Arab one with minorities: a large Jewish minority, and large Christian Palestinian minority, a Muslim minority, a Bedouin minority, Druze, but it will be an Arab state. With all due respect we won't be able to hold on to this, and I don't even know if there is anyone who truly believes that in 100 years' time there will still be a stranger - European - presence in the Middle East. It goes against the course of history.
There's a difference between the vision for the next 100 years and what you're doing now and working for because the vision is the maximum you ever expect to achieve. Our current goal, which we believe will benefit everyone most at this point, is a two-state solution.
Ensuring someone else is able to do something is an obligation and an important role. They should lead the process themselves. I think that by enabling the process and by assuming we haven't got all the answers we are demonstrating leadership. Leadership comes in many forms; there are various kinds of leadership. Personally, and I hope this is true for the Coalition today, we don't believe that leadership is about claiming to have the truth and imposing our way. It's enabling other groups to present their position or stance, their truths. Maybe they will be leading us, who knows.
Only women participate in our meetings. Look, there is a lot to it. Mixed meetings are more aggressive, there is less emphasis on what others [in the group] think, and usually it is the case that Ashkenazi men don't really identify the existence of an "other". It's not because of bad intentions. It's important to remember that the strong can go through life never noticing the weak. The weak have no choice but to see the strong. A Palestinian in Israel cannot go through life without constantly seeing Jews everywhere, there is no choice in the matter. A Jew in Israel can, however, live in Ramat Hasharon or Tel-Aviv without ever seeing an Arab. Ever.
I am part of the Russian community. I think it's a matter of definition. What is the Russian community? It's not one single thing! The dominant voice is a terrible one: homophobic, chauvinist, racist. I believe another Russian community exists, I believe there are different people that simply aren't heard because they haven't got enough money to publicize their opinions. Maybe they just have better jobs so they're not the Russian media journalists who get paid only 2,500 shekels a month. It's either/or. That's why I feel a bond to my special group. In the group of Russian women I'm very much a Russian, just as I'm Jewish but not part of the mainstream. I have never been part of the mainstream and it doesn't concern me much.
I'm interested in people who seek justice, who want solutions based on justice; peace is the Israeli rhetoric. Palestinian rhetoric talks of liberation, forget about peace. Then they [the Israelis] say they [the Palestinians] don't want peace! Would you debate whether to adopt the Geneva Convention's resolutions with regard to your keepers if you were locked up in jail? Peace is void of content for me. It's very nice to talk of peace today but I'm interested in justice.
I love Israel very much; I think I'm very much a patriot. But I want it to be different, totally. I believe my struggle is motivated by my love for this place. I view the area as my homeland; I've been here for nearly 9 years. I think that people here have forgotten that loving your "homeland" is not connected to Zionism. People confuse the terms. The concept of loving one's homeland is equated with Zionism here in Israel. A person can love the place she lives in without being a Zionist and hope it will one day be based on different principles, on justice and equality. That's what I see; I'm very patriotic. It's very relevant for me, but I can't equate it with Zionism. I think we must differentiate between the terms.
