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Personal Transformation and Perceptions of the Other:

“

It's a long and painful process. It's not simple. I don't think it was any one thing. I think it was dealing with and facing all kinds of very basic assumptions, and coming to terms with the fact that there's a big gap within the Israeli left-wing, and I'm a by-product of it, something that's very much about declarations and liberalism, "we're so good, we're so very in favor of all kinds of things…" But in applying it to daily life, to working in a communal and equal routine, it's very difficult. You need to let go of some basic assumptions that you may not even know you have. For example, the issue of thinking we're better, that we're actually better than they are, culturally or ethically - I never thought I had those assumptions, but to be honest, that's how we were. These beliefs were ever-present when I was growing up. It's very hard, it's a harsh and painful awakening.

”  [Source in Complete Interview]

Israeli/Palestinian Power Dynamics:

“ I think that over the past few years we simply adopted a stance that questions the reality and deconstructs the idea of equality which we were formerly naïve about, the idea that equality is a balance - of fifty/fifty. At some point you see that it's simply not true, that the reality is so unequal that much more drastic means are necessary for there to be equality. So you need to turn reality around, and for the group that's empowered it's a very difficult switch. Suddenly they feel they're being asked to give up so much. And that's true. It's difficult, but it's what needs to be done. It's true that if we establish the fifty-fifty type of equality here it's better than what goes on outside. But reality is so powerful that that alone won't lead to equality. ”  [Source in Complete Interview]

Language and Israeli/Palestinian Power Dynamics:

“ We understand that the fact that [the meetings] are conducted entirely in Hebrew is no trivial matter; it's not that "language doesn't matter as long as we're talking to each other." The fact that everything goes on in Hebrew proves that there isn't an equal opportunity environment here, and that we are sticking to inequity. Language is far more than just a medium for communication; it's a matter of culture, identity, lots of things. Not only does it mean that the Arabs are giving up so much within our dialogue but also that by not speaking Arabic I'm not taking the important steps that I'm supposed to be taking. I can talk all I want about how I support equality, but it's limited because there's a difference between someone who speaks only their own language and between someone who's bilingual. It hurts because it's a difficult criterion. It's not easy learning a language. But I think that's the way it is, and we need to address it. ”  [Source in Complete Interview]

Language:

“ [Often] the Arabs, usually the younger generation - if they are bilingual - choose not to speak Arabic because it connotes inferiority. This is very profound, and it often happens to minority groups. Our team decided that everyone who works here must learn Arabic. This year we decided that workers who are bilingual will receive a bonus in their salaries. ”  [Source in Complete Interview]

Israeli/Palestinian Power Dynamics:

“ The popular approach at the time [the 1970s] was very North-American oriented, such as the inter-personal encounter approach that says, "you get to know me and I get to know you and then we understand we're all humans and then we kiss and hug," and things don't fundamentally change. In the eighties there was a sense of a lack of satisfaction regarding the existing models, both here and abroad. The main advocates for a different model were the Arab facilitators here; they claimed that this approach doesn't address power relations; it presumes a non-existent kind of egalitarianism. ”  [Source in Complete Interview]

Identity and Israeli/Palestinian Power Dynamics:

“ The evolving approach [to facilitated dialogue addresses Arab-Jewish relations as group relations and not as individual dynamics. That's because the conflict is between groups and not individuals, because the collective identities are so important. The former approach tries to negate that, tries to say, let it lie, leave being Jews or Arabs out of it, let's just be human beings in here. And we say, no. Bring it with you. It's true we're all human beings! Fine, but bring everything in and we'll deal with it. Bring the other parts because they produce conflict, it's not just between us on the level of being human beings, but rather a very politicized approach. It addresses the reality in terms of power relations and the asymmetrical nature of reality, so it resembles reality and doesn't try to contradict reality; that's why we can learn about reality from it. It can serve as a lab that reflects contemporary reality. As an educator I can accept this approach, because you might as well do pottery workshops otherwise. ”  [Source in Complete Interview]

Israeli/Palestinian Power Dynamics:

“ …I believe we must listen to what the minority says so we can have a better understanding of the reality. I think in general that they have access to the truth, not because they're Arabs, but because they're a repressed minority within the power structures. They know how they live, and they also know the nature of the majority and we, the majority, aren't really familiar with the minority, because of what I said about the language, and because we're not politically or economically dependent on them. We have a lesser understanding, in my opinion. It doesn't necessarily have to be that way, it's the outcome of this reality. ”  [Source in Complete Interview]

Zionism:

“ I was born in this place; this is my home here. I always took it for granted. Today I say I'm not a Zionist because the term is meaningful for me, but not because it's no longer my home or I don't feel a part of what goes on here. It's just that I'm opposed to it being a Jewish state. I support having a state that exists for all its citizens. So I'm talking about today's parameters, and not the question of whether it should have been established like that or not. Not historically speaking. I think that the Jewish national mission has been accomplished and maybe it couldn't have been undertaken any other way. But I think that to continue to impose Jewish rule in this manner is unjust because it's not democratic. In that sense I feel we need to aspire to change the state's characteristics to become something different. ”  [Source in Complete Interview]

Community Responses to Peace Work:

“ I don't usually share things in larger social circles; I usually censor what I say. I never am as candid as I am at home, or with you. The possibility of influencing people is very small. People won't really be convinced because you tell them what happened in Rafah was shocking. People usually have their own realms of perception, and have a very clear picture of the world. ”  [Source in Complete Interview]

Community Responses to Peace Work:

“ I never hide what I do or what I believe in but I never get into arguments about it. If somebody comments on it I really don't get involved in it. My daughters are always arguing with the bus drivers and I always tell them never to argue with drivers, there could be an accident… They're really fine with arguing, they love speaking up. It's a different generation. They grew up in a different environment. I don't hide things: if I'm asked I say I'm from Neve Shalom, and people are always interested. So I tell them what they expect to hear, that everything is dandy. You know, they don't really want to hear that we're occupiers, they don't! I pass on, I don't get into it; I can't take arguing with everybody, because it generally does no good. ”  [Source in Complete Interview]

Vision and Civil Society:

“ [Our work] is not going to stop the bulldozers. It won't do that. But I researched the roots of the change in South Africa, and from a few articles I read I realized they mentioned nine causes for the transition to democracy. The first was the economic sanctions on South Africa. The second was that the security forces were exhausted and couldn't enforce the violence they initiated and used. And somewhere between 1 and 9 was the fact that there were always groups that engaged in dialogue and cooperation, and white people who joined in the black people's struggle. ”  [Source in Complete Interview]

Family:

“ First of all, on the level of motherhood, I've become very over-protective [since the second intifada]. Now I'm done with that. I've changed and now I'm a total believer in determinism. During the first two years we wouldn't let them [our daughters] budge. Anywhere. And they really didn't go anywhere. We used to go to the weekly demonstration and that's it. That was their only outing. We went every week, got falafel or pizza - that was our good time. Afterwards I stopped being like that. I decided that it's all in God's hands anyhow… not in mine. ”  [Source in Complete Interview]

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