Dimitri DilianiPeople's Campaign for Peace and Democracy |
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“ I went to the US in 1990. In 1994, the Oslo process began and gave us all a push. I decided to finish my studies and come back here in order to contribute to building my homeland. When I returned, I was shocked by the reality that I discovered. The Palestinian revolution had turned into institutions of government, but I didn't think that transformation had happened in the right way. There were so many problems: management problems, financial problems, political problems. The collective vision had become blurred. There began to be internal squabbles over positions and influence that we never even knew existed. ” [Source in Complete Interview]
“ Working with Dr. Sari opened my eyes to many things. It convinced me that I had been wrong when I decided to stay away from politics out of fear of corruption. I came to realize that my impressions had been incorrect. Most of our people are not corrupt. Most are patriots working for the good of the country. Yes, it's true that there is corruption. But we often exaggerate its extent. Besides, if all the people who are against corruption simply withdraw from public life, then corruption will spread and spread. If we leave, then those who are corrupt will be free to do whatever they please. ” [Source in Complete Interview]
Political Peace Processes/Political Leadership and Civil Society:
“ If you look at past peace agreements or proposals for peace and reconciliation, you'll see that they are not even known by the names of the people that made them. Take Camp David. Oslo. Sharm El-Sheikh. Camp David II. Or there are agreements that bear names like "Tenet" or "Mitchell." None of these names are Palestinian or even Arab. Except for Sharm El-Sheikh, perhaps, which was only a security arrangement. So you find yourself thinking, where are the ordinary people? Why don't they speak their minds? The doctors and the bakers and the teachers and the scientists… why don't they voice what they want? ” [Source in Complete Interview]
“ The first intifada succeeded in getting our rights acknowledged. It led to the conferences in Madrid and Oslo. Regardless of whether you see Oslo as a positive or a negative thing, just getting to the point of Oslo was a great achievement. It was an achievement that was the fruit of the Palestinian people's efforts during the first intifada. The Palestinian people paid for it and earned it. That is exactly the opposite of what is happening now in the second intifada. This shouldn't even been called an intifada. It's not an intifada, but rather a war that is being waged against us. We call it an intifada, but that's incorrect. They are shooting at us with missiles and airplanes. The people are not engaged in a revolt. They are unhappy, angry, and hurt. If you compare the period between 1987 and 1992 to the period that we are currently living, you'll understand why they've led to different outcomes. ” [Source in Complete Interview]
“ The key to finding a solution is the following: first, the Palestinian public's attitude and activities affect Israeli public opinion. Second, Israeli public opinion directly influences the decisions of the Israeli government, which rules us and occupies us. So the truth of the matter is that the key to the solution is in our hands. It is not easy to tell people under occupation that the key to solution is in their hands. That is not easy at all. But our past experience proves that this is the case. Perhaps no one can influence the Israeli public more than Palestinians can. And the Israeli government reflects the attitudes of the Israeli public because Israel is a democracy for its citizens, especially its Jewish citizens. ” [Source in Complete Interview]
Political Peace Processes/Political Leadership and Zionism and Self Determination:
“ Palestinians have a clear national goal: the establishment of a Palestinian state with Jerusalem as its capital. Likewise for the Israelis, the Zionist Movement is founded upon the goal of establishing a national home for the Jewish people. The ironic thing is that the two objectives are consistent. The Palestinians agree to have their state along the 1967 border. Israel cannot be a Jewish national home if it continues to have four million Palestinian Arabs living inside it. In other words, Israel cannot continue to occupy us. […] So it is in Israelis' interest to agree to a kind of separation. They have their country and we have ours. And this is precisely our national goal, as Palestinians. So, in principle, there is agreement on a two-state solution. […] However, if a two-state solution is not implemented, Palestinians are going to call for a bi-national state. Continuing to live under occupation is not an option: if we cannot get a state, then at least give us rights as citizens in your state. If this happens, however, then neither the national Palestinian objective nor the Zionist dream will be achieved. So it is in everyone's interest to establish two states for two nations. ” [Source in Complete Interview]
“ I'm not losing sleep over the Zionist dream. On the contrary, as a Palestinian, I have suffered because of the Zionist dream. But the situation that we are living in today forces me to think with my mind and not with my emotions. And this is what brings me to the goal of two states for two peoples. ” [Source in Complete Interview]
Obstacles and Challenges and Occupation:
“ The occupation is our biggest challenge. When there is a massacre, like the one that happened in Gaza a short while ago, people are angry and it is difficult to talk to them about peace. When there are killings, it is hard to talk about peace. This presents a major obstacle for our work. So if we were to put the challenges that we face in order, the occupation comes first, the lack of financial support comes second, and the lack of popular awareness about the importance of the Initiative comes third. ” [Source in Complete Interview]
Community Responses to Peace Work:
“ I haven't received any threats from anyone or anything of that sort, although some of my colleagues did when we first began. Some of those involved in founding the campaign were harassed in their jobs in different ways. But now the campaign is much stronger and has won the support of many on the street. It has such a strong presence on the Palestinian political scene that it is no longer easy for people to hassle us as they once did. So, as individuals, those involved with the campaign have paid a high price. […] Some people lost their jobs, and other people faced such difficulties in their workplaces that they were forced to choose between keeping their jobs and continuing to be active in the campaign. ” [Source in Complete Interview]
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