« Portrait | Interview Highlights

Interview with Ariel Huler

Could you talk about your personal history, where you grew up, and how you ended up in this job?

I was born in 1970. I grew up in Rehovot,1 which was a small town about 30 kilometers south of Tel Aviv.2 It is famous because of the Weizmann Institute of Science. So this is where I grew up. At the time there were lots of orange groves, so there was this smell in the air. It was one of the first yishuvim3 in Israel, of the Zionist movement.4 It was established in 1890, even before the Zionist Movement officially existed.5 Many of my teachers in the primary school were first generation in the city. I’m mentioning all that because I was very patriotic, a local patriot.

There is a story that when I was 12 I spent a week in Paris with my father-- I don’t remember this but everybody tells me-- and when we came back and everybody asked me, "How was the Champs Elysee,"6 I said, "Rehov Herzl7 is better." In my youth, I played on the soccer team and I was active in the youth movement Hashomer Hatzair,8 which is considered a left-wing youth movement. I don’t know if you know the history of political parties and youth movements here. At the time Hashomer Hatzair was linked with the MAPAM party9 until it merged with other parties. So I had kind of what you would call a “left” opinion about many things.

After you graduated from high-school what did you do?

I did three and a half years of service in the army.10 For almost all of that period I was in a base in the north of Israel. In those days the first intifada11 broke out and looking back I feel lucky that I didn't have to physically be in the West Bank12 or Gaza13 during my service. When I finished my military service I worked in all kinds of jobs. One of them was as a guide for Jewish youngsters from South America -- Argentina, Uruguay, and Brazil -- who were on a year-long program here [in Israel]. I was kind of a coordinator for 3-4 months, and I was with them all the time. This was a very interesting experience for me. I intended just after this to go and travel in South America. I didn’t mention that I know Spanish; my parents are Argentineans, and they got to know Israel when they were 18, doing a very similar program to what those youngsters were doing. So at the time I found it interesting, in a way. They ended up in Israel only 12 years after their program, when they were 30 years old. I traveled for a long time in South America and when I came back I started studying psychology and special education, and then I was working in all kinds of educational institutions. Then I heard about a program at Hebrew University14 about conflict management, conflict studies, which was unique at the time, and I signed myself up. This is how I got to Jerusalem.

Why did you sign up for that program in conflict management?

It’s hard for me to say, but I thought it would be mind-opening to deal with the social sciences' aspect in conflict. And I had a feeling that it might make sense in terms of jobs and things like that. Later on I saw that it was too presumptuous to think that it’s good for the job market. But anyhow, while I was studying I had an interest in doing work in the field with things that might relate to what I was studying theoretically. So I started working in an organization called Gesher that deals with the secular-religious conflict15 between the Jewish people, working mainly with youngsters. So you know, looking back at it, it was an important experience to have before doing what I’m doing right now, here.

How did your experience working on the secular religious divide prepare you for what you’re doing now at Seeds of Peace?

It gave me experience in facilitating. It was before the intifada started. Over time I understood, I mean you don’t have to be too wise to see this, but I got a sense from the field that the priority should be given to the Israeli-Palestinian conflict. So I was very glad when Walid [another Seeds of Peace staff member] called to tell me Seeds of Peace16 was recruiting people for camp.

When did you start to think you should be focusing on the Israeli-Palestinian conflict?

Well, there were some other reasons why I left Gesher, because I had finished my studies and I was looking for more serious jobs, but also, it was becoming harder for me to work on this issue. Most of my colleagues, my religious colleagues, were settlers. Very nice people, very moderate people, but something in me... it was difficult for me.

What surprised or impacted you when you first started doing this job?

Well, camp had a very strong impact on me. I was there as a facilitator. I had what we call a process, I had my own process there. I was having a lot of discussions with my co-facilitator -- she’s from Nablus.17 She told me very hard stories about what happened in Nablus after the Israeli invasion, the take-over, which I think was in April 2002.18 Also some things that happened in our group... I wouldn’t say it changed me, made me another person, but I think it had a strong impact on me. And the way I saw how strong an impact camp has on the young Seeds19 was also powerful.

What kind of preparation did you have to be a facilitator at Seeds of Peace camp?

We had an orientation week, in which we had lots of conversations, exchanging views and some methods. I had experience as a facilitator, but not on the Israeli-Palestinian conflict. I participated as a student in a dialogue program, which was also very meaningful and I think also gave me some understanding, helped me to facilitate.

You said you went through your own process at camp. What did you mean by that?

You learn a lot about the conflict. Even though you know, or you think you know, you can always know more. In my group there was one Palestinian kid who was once taken for an investigation at the police. According to his story he was treated very badly. I became more familiar on the emotional level with the issues of Palestinian prisoners. I got a sense then that way too many people are put in jail. This is the sense I got from people who were in my group. This was very strong to hear from the kids, they are 14-15 years old.

There were also some interesting dynamics between Israelis and Palestinian-Israelis.20 When you learn more about the conflict you come to understand. Just to give you an example of things I learned.

What do you mean?


This is a name that Israelis prefer to describe those people. But if we refer to this definition as describing their conflict of identity, it’s not between their Arab identity and their Israeli identity; it’s between their Palestinian identity and their Israeli identity. It’s not accurate to describe them as Arab-Israelis, just small examples of things I thought I knew before. Sometimes right at the beginning when a Palestinian-Israeli, or a Palestinian living in Israel, or however they describe themselves, describes himself this way, this already creates some problems for the Israelis, if they have no experience with this group, or haven't gotten deeper into their understanding of the conflict.

Our group had 10 people, 4 Jewish-Israelis, 4 Palestinians, 2 Palestinians living in Israel. So it was interesting to see the dynamics there and really to see with your own eyes, not just reading about it, that Palestinians living in Israel are really caught in the middle. Everybody at camp knows these kids have the hardest time at camp. But I think camp also strengthens their sense of identity, of being what they are.

And as a facilitator, what did you do to help your group through?

Our aim was to make our group face up to the truth as much as possible. Now, there’s not a thing called truth, but when there’s a sense that the group isn’t ready to face things, they need to be shown this somehow. Something I remember is an argument in the group about Rachel Corrie,21 and somehow the discussion got around to whether a bulldozer has brakes or doesn’t. Because the Israeli group started being defensive and saying that the bulldozer driver couldn’t brake and that’s why she was run over. So my job at that point is to show them, in a way they can understand, that this is not the point. Things like that.

You are mentioning the case of Rachel Corrie. Could you summarize what happened in case someone reading the interview doesn't know?

I don’t know all the details, I heard about it from my co-facilitator that knew her personally. I heard her version and I have no reason not to believe this version. I mean, without taking any position, the facts are that a leftist American activist was there in an attempt to prevent destroying some houses or a specific house from being destroyed, and she was standing in front of the bulldozer and the bulldozer ran over her. This is the story. There are no arguments about this. But my co-facilitator said that the driver saw her and, according to her, even spoke with her before, so it was on purpose.

So how did you explain to them that the point isn't whether the bulldozer has brakes or not?

By pointing out that it’s easier to discuss whether a bulldozer has brakes or doesn’t have brakes than to start talking about how it happened that an Israeli bulldozer ran over an American peace activist, who clearly wasn’t threatening the bulldozer.

What was interesting was that the group itself came to the session the next day and somehow they understood that they had a pretty silly conversation the day before in the argument about whether a bulldozer has brakes or not. They were in a state of really clashing with each other and it was easier for them to accept this. I don’t remember exactly where this took them, but it was no longer the issue of whether a bulldozer has brakes or not. That’s an example I remember, they also remember it well.

We use the term “reflections” when we interfere with the group dynamics and say what we have to say. Sometimes one of us interferes when we feel that the group is avoiding a discussion about what I before described as “the truth.” This was a reflection that there is no doubt I should have made as an Israeli.

So did you interfere that time or not?


Yeah. We distanced them. Maybe it’s easier to talk about this technical issue than to talk about…what really happened. And you know, there are times when it's also hard for Palestinians to acknowledge some points. Or sometimes we feel the kids have a lot to say, sometimes strong things, but they aren’t saying them. So one of our goals is for those things to come up. Especially at camp when everybody is feeling... you know, there are some fun activities, and sometimes they are really afraid -- it’s natural of course -- they’re really afraid to break this fun atmosphere. But this is what dialogue in camp is all about.

After the camp what is your job here?

Well, officially my job here is program coordinator, and the idea is to work with kids who return, so that they continue taking part in activities connected to Seeds of Peace. We hope they will continue their in-depth involvement in the conflict. Also in some way, on a personal level, we try to give them a strong sense that they are still being accompanied, because they have strong experiences at camp.

What did you see here at the Seeds of Peace Center in Jerusalem after camp?

This year there were all kinds of incidents that made us kind of break our regular activities, so when we were meeting them after these breaks it was very easy to see that they were upset with these breaks.

What were the kids/Seeds upset with?

I’m talking more about the Israelis because I got to see, as an Israeli-- this is also important, this is why I’m here I think, the way I see it, I mean everybody here on this staff has his own identity, and I was brought here on the “Jewish-Israeli” spot. And I think it’s important that Israeli-Jewish Seeds will see this identity in the staff. I’m here on the staff mainly to bring their voices out, I’m not saying that I’m the best person to do it, but the identity thing is very strong in their view. In parentheses, I’m sure the Palestinians from the West Bank don't feel comfortable that we don’t have this identity on our staff.22 I’m sure about it. I mean, I’m 100% sure about it, even though I might be wrong… Because it’s not that I interviewed every one of them, but I’m sure in some aspect it doesn't serve them.

Do you find yourself being a contact for the Israeli kids in Seeds of Peace?

Well, at some points I had this feeling, yes. At some points.

In which kinds of situations?


Mainly when they disapprove of what they think Seeds of Peace is doing, sometimes they feel that it discriminates against them in favor of the Palestinians. So in these cases there were some kids who felt more comfortable coming and telling me than other members of the staff.

You said that there were some things during the year that made you cancel programs?

We all feel that the conflict escalated after they came back from camp. I mean, when we look at the conflict in September 2003 and May 2004, I think it’s not at the same point. Activities were more and more difficult to run at some points, because of physical aspects, so we played it safe, and on some points because of psychological aspects. We saw a phenomenon that the Palestinians do not feel right coming to talk with Israelis. And the Israelis had some criticism about Seeds of Peace canceling what they feel Seeds of Peace is all about. Which is a reflection of the conflict.

When did you cancel activities?

We canceled some activities, for example, after the murder of Yassin,23 and even before that. At Purim24 there were some very hot alerts25 so a decision was made to cancel things and most of the Israeli kids were very upset about it. So, all this was just to say that I sense that they sometimes have, I would say, even a psychological need to be in contact with Seeds of Peace, meeting the other side. I’m talking maybe mostly about the Israelis.

Do you like your job?

Yes. First of all it’s daring. Sometimes I have a feeling I’m doing too much office work, but then you have your groups outside, so it’s not only office work. I enjoy what I’m doing. I have a chance to deal with what I see as the most burning issue in Israeli society, and get paid. I like the idea that I get to know and understand the Palestinian side more and more, and I like the idea that I get to improve my Arabic.

Are you surprised to find that you are in this role?

No. Well, maybe a little bit surprised, but as I told you before, I have a strange feeling that maybe the things I did in my life were kind of a preparation for this job.

What does your family think about your work?

They think highly of it. You know, my closest friends in some ways share ideas or visions about the conflict that are not that far from my point of view. So my close surroundings are kind of a support. Although even I myself... you know you always have your question marks about what we’re doing here.

What are some of your questions about the work?

Nowadays many people have a sense that this conflict is way too complicated to end in the next two or three decades. Sometimes I also have this feeling too, and it’s more frustrating, because now it comes from having a better understanding of the conflict. So it's more grounded, I have demonstrations of it. Evidence, right? Evidence.

Do you get resistance from anybody, any friends, anybody in your community?

Not really. There isn’t anyone, not yet. It’s not that I walk around with signs that say "I work [at Seeds of Peace]." But whoever asks me, I tell them. So far, although many Israelis are cynical or skeptic about what good or what change it could bring, very cynical, I haven't faced any resentment yet. Of course I will.

Why?

I mean, I’m always preparing myself psychologically on this point.

Do you think this kind of work has the capacity to influence things?

Yes, of course. On the personal level, of course. But everybody that has some experience with education would say that whatever educational activity you do is like a drop in the sea. But I do think it has a very strong impact on the people we are dealing with.

Can you describe some of what you would call the successes, or the influences of the work?

I didn’t do any research about it, but I have a strong feeling that stereotypes about the "other side" among the Seeds are much lower compared to their society. I can tell you about the Israelis, that when they hear what’s going on on the Palestinian side they pay much more attention to it than compared with a regular Israeli. I’m not sure they go and seek out other kinds of sources, but I’m sure that at the end of the day, if you would take a regular Israeli teenager and ask him what happened today in Gaza, I’m not sure he could give you the details. And I’m sure that the Seeds who had heard the news would be able to tell you. So those are things I’m 100% positive about. There might be many other things, but I’m not 100% sure, so I wouldn’t make statements about them.

Who have you met during your work that you wouldn’t have met if you hadn’t been doing this job?

Well, all the Palestinian people I meet. No chance I would have met them in any other job. Of course the Americans. But for me it’s more important [to have met people on] the Palestinian side.

And have you gone to places, besides camp, that you wouldn’t have gone to otherwise?

Maybe, but not really, because I don’t enter the West Bank right now. It’s not only that I’m not allowed to; I don’t feel safe going to the West Bank. And I’m sure that people here wouldn’t like me, a Jewish Israeli, to go as a Seeds of Peace staff member to the West Bank because of all the sensitivities for the organization, how the organization is perceived and how the Palestinians feel. But I pick up Seeds sometimes at checkpoints, and those are places I wouldn’t go in other jobs that I can think of, or other jobs that I did before.

Aside from working full-time at this job, how has the conflict affected your life?

My daily life? I really have to overcome some feelings when I get out of here and go into Jerusalem. Like sitting on the bus. I really feel nervous doing it. So sometimes I do it, but it’s kind of an effort. This has nothing to do with the job, I think. I would say this is the major thing. And maybe you're more nervous than you usually are, it’s hard to put your finger on what’s different.

Are you more nervous in Jerusalem than you are in other places?

More nervous than in Rehovot, yes.

What’s most important for you to achieve for yourself, for the future, what do you want to see change?

I think more and more people have this feeling that both societies deserve true leaders. Many people, I think, feel that they are kind of prisoners in the hands of their own leaders. I would really like to see a leader that knows what it takes to get there and is willing to make the effort. And is courageous enough to do it. I don’t see anyone on the horizon that will do it.

What do you think it will take for people to elect a leader that you’re satisfied with?

You’re talking about the Israeli society of course. I just had a discussion today about the media, that was trying to deal with the fact that in surveys Israelis reflect some understanding that a solution would be a two-state solution and that they are willing to withdraw from all the settlements in order to achieve this. When they do surveys you can see that the majority of the Israeli public, around 65%-70%, thinks more or a less that that's the deal.26 They’re prepared for this. But when elections come around they don’t vote for parties that represent these ideas. And that’s a paradox in Israeli society. Voting originates in a lot of places. There is this Ashkenazi - Sephardi conflict,27 and many Sephardi people, even though they support the idea on the whole, or understand that there should be some compromise, would never elect a leftist party.28

So if you ask, I mean, the way to break this pattern is maybe for some new party to emerge that will in some way attract [people with certain] identities that find themselves in a difficult position to vote nowadays for parties who represent this idea.

Which international audience do you think is most influential or can be the most constructive here?

The Israeli society is more and more America-oriented, and I think most of the people feel that the United States is a true ally. I think the problem now is that the Palestinian side doesn’t see the States as a neutral party. So maybe the American involvement doesn’t help. Maybe it does the contrary. I always have an idea that might sound bizarre, but I think that Jordan, Egypt and Germany -- Germany because of the history -- could be very powerful mediators. But I don’t think that Israelis trust Europeans nowadays. But I don’t know, I don’t see that Israelis have problems with the Germans now. They have problems with what they hear from France, maybe Spain. Italy is very supportive lately, to Israel, so maybe some combination of the pre-World War Two fascist powers could be a good mediator nowadays.

Why do you think that previous peace processes failed?

Are you referring to what, Camp David 2000,29 or all the processes?

Whatever process you think was most significant.

Well, it’s more and more understood that it was on the grounds that the Palestinians didn’t see any change. They just saw settlements growing bigger, there was the checkpoints issue that I think made ordinary people’s life more complicated. And I think also some of the leaders failed to understand or to feel the hard core of the conflict. I think many of the Israeli leaders, coming from where they usually come from, which is an army-oriented kind of thinking, mentality, failed to see moments where they should have had more compassion, more understanding, more feelings. Because there’s no solution to this conflict without involving those aspects. There is of course a solution that is very rational, I give you this, you give me this, things like that. But I think the major colossal failure of Ehud Barak30-- he has a reputation of being an analytical person, and there are many jokes about this. But this was his problem, maybe this was a reason for the break or the failure of the Camp David 2000.

I don’t know much... I’m really confused about the Palestinian leadership; I could have a lot of criticism for their leadership, but I know better about my society, so I prefer referring to my leaders.

So what do you think has to be done differently, and who do you think has to do it?

That’s a good question, who has to do it? Grass roots activities like we do, this is how you do the job. You must have some expression of that coming from the leaders. I mean, everybody understands that, I think that honest leaders, an honest Israeli leader and Palestinian leader, should explain to their societies as much as they can about the other side’s trauma.

I always use this analogy when people that are coming from outside the conflict don't understand the context: I tell them to try and imagine what kind of relationship a traumatized couple would have. And I think this is the case with the Israeli and Palestinian societies. I think honest leaders should do as much as they can to show their societies what are the essentials, what is the trauma that the other side is suffering, because this conflict is not only about borders, it’s about traumas. Both societies have different traumas.

Do you think you’ll see a solution in your lifetime?

No, and lately it’s really hard for me to live with this notion. I am leaving room for the possibility, but I don’t really believe in it.

So how do you keep doing your job if you don't expect to see a solution in your lifetime?

I don’t know. Maybe within a certain amount of time, maybe a year or two, or maybe in five or ten years I will be burned out.

Do you have a plan for refueling yourself?

Refueling myself? I sometimes go and do some fun things, so yeah, for now that’s refueling. Having some very powerful interactions with Palestinians is also refueling. So it’s complicated.

What does peace mean to you?

Peace. First of all, satisfaction. And a sense that you can live your life the way it should be, or the way you think it should be.

What do you think about the fact that this is an American organization doing this work here?

I don’t know really what to say. Everybody understands that this organization exists because of American resources, money. So in some senses everybody’s grateful for having people in the States that are interested in making a change here. Deep in their hearts I think everybody [the staff and Seeds] feels this way. But what I was describing earlier about how Israeli Seeds responded to the cancellation of activities... I think that sometimes people feel that Seeds of Peace, being an American organization, is too soft. Whenever there’s tension things are canceled.

Also, I personally don’t have a definite feeling or point of view on this, but I find it very problematic that Seeds of Peace is doing all it can to bring Seeds from here to do their higher education in the States. I can see the American humanistic point of view but sometimes in doing this people are going away and getting distanced from their societies. And then I think they are lacking something that’s very important if we want them at some point to influence their own societies. I’m aware of the fact that sometimes higher education in the States is better than here and can give you better opportunities once you come back. But personally, I’m not 100% sure that as a default policy it’s the right thing to do. Just to give you some glimpses of the problematic issues I see with the American involvement.

What’s your hope for the kids for the future?

I think you should ask them. I think that the same hopes I have for myself I have for them as well. I mean, I’m chronologically older, and maybe at some different points in my viewing things, but personally I also feel that I have many more things to accomplish in the future, and the situation wasn’t like that before I did my service, in the army of course. And although I was in a leftist youth movement, I wasn’t meeting much with Palestinians; I didn’t get to see the other side. So sometimes I'm puzzled with how Seeds feel before going into their service in the army. What's on their mind? What expectations do they have of their military service? That’s a big question for me.

Do you have a way to discuss how they feel about their military service with them?

I didn’t do it so far, but I think I’ll try to do it more and more, although it is a VERY sensitive issue nowadays for Seeds of Peace. I have my personal feelings about how I’d react in this position.

Can we talk about that?


Off the record I can speak to you about whatever we like.


Notes

We have done our best to provide accurate, fair yet succinct footnotes to help you navigate the interviews. Our research team comprises more than 6 individuals, including Palestinians, Israelis and North Americans. Still, we recognize that these notes cannot capture the full complexity of this contested conflict. Therefore, we encourage you to seek additional sources of information, we welcome your feedback and appreciate your openness.

Rehovot A city in Israel, south of Tel Aviv, popultion approximately 100,000.

Tel Aviv-Jaffa An Israeli city on the Mediterranean Sea, about 64 km west of Jerusalem. Est. population 350,000.

Yishuv Hebrew for "town" or "settlement."  The plural is "yishuvim." Refers to the Jewish communities established in the early days of the Zionist movement, but does not usually refer to settlements beyond the Green Line in the Occupied Territories.

Zionism The belief that the Jewish people should have a national homeland, and refuge from persecution, in Israel. Supporters of this idea are called Zionists. The Zionist Movement took shape in Europe in the late 1800s with the First Zionist Conference in Basel, Switzerland. The movement advocated the ideology of Zionism, a national liberation ideology of the Jewish people with several strands, foremost being the establishment of a Jewish state within the biblical Land of Israel (Eretz Yisrael or Zion). Zionism has many manifestations, from religious to secular, each defining a distinct view of which land should be settled, and how it should be done. See http://www.mideastweb.org/zionism.htm

The First Zionist Conference conference was on August 29, 1897 in Basle, Switzerland. See www.wzo.org.il. According to Benjamin Beit-Hallahmi, “Political Zionism, from 1897, created a national political reality for Jews.” It was framed by Theodor Herzl (infra n.7) in response to “the Dreyfuss Affair,” in which a Jewish captain in the French military was tried for Treason based on “forged documents.” Original Sin: Reflections on the History of Zionism and Israel New York: Olive Branch 1992, pgs 62, 36.

Champs Elysees An avenue in Paris leading from the Place de la Concorde to the Arc de Triomphe. A popular tourist destination.

Rehov Herzl Hebrew for “Herzl Street," named for Theodor Herzl, one of the early leaders of the Zionist movement. Huler is referring to the main street in Rehovot.

HaShomer HaTzair According to its website, it is “a youth movement, based on the principles of Progressive Zionism, Social Justice, Progressive Judaism and self-actualization, and committed to peace and equality.”

MAPAM Hebrew abbreviation of “Mifleget ha-Po’alim ha-Me’uhedet.” In English, it is called “United Workers’ Party.” It was a left-wing labor Zionist party in Israel that opposed the annexation, occupation and settlement of the West Bank and Gaza following the war in 1967. MAPAM had merged with MAPAI to form the Labor party but left in 1984. It then regrouped along with several other parties to form Meretz, which has recently changed its name to Yachad. Meretz and Yachad are considered to be on the left side of the Zionist Left. See “United Workers’ Party (MAPAM).” Knesset. 7 September 2007. http://www.knesset.gov.il/faction/eng/FactionPage_eng.asp?PG=28

Military Service Israeli Law requires that all Israeli citizens and permanent residents begin serving in the Israeli Defense Forces at the age of 18. Effective 1948 and codified in the 1986 National Defense Service Law, which stipulates that all men serve 3 years, and women 20-21 months. All non-Jewish women and all Palestinian men, except Druze, are automatically exempt from service, although volunteers are occasionally admitted and some Bedouins are encouraged. Reserve service is required until the age of 51 in the case of men, and 24 in the case of women.

First Intifada Arabic for “shaking off.” The term “intifada” is used to refer to uprisings, especially during times of widespread Palestinian revolts against Israel. While some scholars consider the 1936-39 Palestinian uprising as the first intifada, the first intifada (1987-1993) usually refers to the popular uprising whereby Palestinians from the West Bank and Gaza Strip rose up against Israeli military rule through a coordinated movement involving multiple sectors of Palestinian society. Actions included mass rallies, general strikes, unarmed and stone-throwing confrontations, the use of Molotov cocktails and limited arms against the Israeli army, combined with self-administration of daily life and attempts at nonviolent civil disobedience. The Israeli military was unable to quash the rebellion, although they implemented a harsh “Force, Might and Beatings” policy under Defense Minister Yitzhak Rabin, involving widespread arrests, detention and reports of torture. This intifada came to an end when Israel entered into negotiations with the Palestine Liberation Organization and co-launched the Oslo Peace Process. See King, Mary Elizabeth. A Quiet Revolution: The First Palestinian Intifada and Nonviolent Resistance. New York: Nation Books, 2007 and Farsoun, Samih K. and Naseer H. Aruri. Palestine and the Palestinians, 2nd ed. Boulder: Westview Press, 2006. See online “The Intifada.” MERIP. 25 June 2007 http://www.merip.org/palestine-israel_primer/intifada-87-pal-isr-primer.html and “Intifada.” MSN Encarta Online. 25 June 2007 http://encarta.msn.com/encyclopedia_761579974/Intifada.html

West Bank Geographical territory located to the west of the Jordan River and the Dead Sea. Israel refers to it as “Judea” and “Samaria.” It has been under Israeli military control since 1967, although certain powers and responsibilities were transferred to the Palestinian Authority as part of the Oslo process in the 1990s (see Oslo process and Areas A, B and C). The Palestinian population of the West Bank is approximately 2.5 million, in addition to approximately 270,000 Jewish settlers. The West Bank, along with the Gaza Strip, comprises the Occupied Palestinian Territories. See “West Bank.” 1 November 2007. CIA World Factbook. 10 November 2007 https://www.cia.gov/library/publications/the-world-factbook/geos/we.html

Gaza Strip Geographical territory located on the Mediterranean Coast and bordering the Egyptian Sinai Peninsula and Israel, with a total land mass of 360 sq km. Population: 1,482,405. The Palestinian populated territory was under Israeli administrative and military occupation from 1967 to 1994, when an agreement pursuant to the Declaration of Principles (DOP) gave the Palestinian National Authority (PNA) limited self-government for an interim five-year period, although Israel retained responsibility for external and internal security and for public order of settlements. Until August 2005, approximately 8000 Israeli settlers lived in the Strip. Negotiations aimed at determining final status of the West Bank, East Jerusalem and Gaza commenced in 1999, but failed to accomplish their objectives by the second intifada in September 2000. Israeli Prime Minister Ariel Sharon’s plan to withdraw all permanent military and security structures and dismantle all settlements within the Gaza Strip and return the territory to PNA control was completed in September 2005, although Israel maintains control over air space, and land and sea borders and continues to launch military operations within Gaza. See “Gaza Strip.” CIA. 14 June 2007. The World Factbook. 19 June 2007

Hebrew University Hebrew University is in Jerusalem. It currently has over 22,000 students.

One of the deepest fissures in Israeli society is between the religious and the secular. Many Israelis “believe that this divide is sharper than the one between Arabs and Israelis or between Israelis and Palestinians.” Robert Freedman, Shmuel Sandler, Shibley Telhami “The Religious-Secular Divide in Israeli Politics” Middle East Policy Council Journal vol. VI, no. 4 June 1999.

Seeds of Peace A coexistence program for teenagers from conflict regions throughout the world, with a focus on Israelis and Palestinians. In addition to its year-long programs in Israel and Palestine, Seeds of Peace runs a summer camp in the United States. A session at camp includes paricipation in daily facilitated discussion sessions as well as recreational activities.

Nablus A Palestinian city in the northern West Bank. Est. population 132,000.

There was an Israeli “takeover” of Nablus in April, 2002. After three weeks, Israeli forces withdrew (Baker, Greg “Tanks on the move as troops leave Nablus” The Advertiser 4/22/02, pg. 23). Israeli forces reentered Nablus in early June, 2002 (Kifner, John “Israel's Forces Move Into Nablus, Seizing 100 and Imposing Curfew” New York Times, 6/1/02, pg 3).

Seeds Participants in Seeds of Peace.

Palestinian Arab citizens of Israel Also known as “Palestinian citizens of Israel,” “Palestinian Israelis,” “1948 Palestinians,” or “Arab Israelis.” Refers to those Palestinians and their descendents who remained in the area that became the State of Israel in 1948. They were granted Israeli citizenship. Until 1966 most of them were subjected to military rule that restricted their movement and some of their rights. The tension in Israel between its “Jewish” and “democratic” nature has historically meant that many Arab minority rights have been neglected. According to Adalah, The Legal Center for Arab Minority Rights in Israel, since 1967, “The state [has] practiced systematic and institutionalized discrimination in all areas, such as land dispossession and allocation, education, language, economics, culture, and political participation.” While their standing in Israel has improved since Israel’s independence, Palestinian Arab citizens of Israel experience periodic persecution, felt strongest during the October 2000 riots in which 13 Palestinian Arab Israelis were killed in ten days. In 2004, Palestinian Arab citizens of Israel made up approximately 18-19% of the Israeli population. They live within the State of Israel, participate in government and hold Israeli citizenship, but do not serve in the military. See Lustick, Ian S. “Palestinian Citizens of Israel.” Philip Mattar, ed. Encyclopedia of the Palestinians. New York: Facts on File, 2005 and Bligh, Alexander, ed. The Israeli Palestinians: an Arab Minority in the Jewish State. London: Frank Cass, 2003. See also Adala and Mossawa online at http://www.adalah.org/eng/ and http://www.mossawacenter.org

Rachel Corrie (April 10, 1979—March 16, 2003) was a member of the International Solidarity Movement (ISM) who was run over and killed by an Israeli soldier-operated bulldozer while she was protesting Israeli demolitions (sic) of Palestinian homes in Rafah in the Gaza Strip.” See, http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Rachel_Corrie. Factual accounts differ. “Witnesses said that the driver of the bulldozer should have seen her because he came toward her from a distance and had an unobstructed view. Israel's military prosecutor exonerated the Israeli soldiers, finding that the driver did not see her.” “Getting at Truth: As Israel ally, U.S. must probe activist's death in Gaza” Houston Chronicle 9/1/03, A-24. For eyewitness accounts, see: http://www.palestinemonitor.org/Activism/Affidavits.htm. For some, Corrie was an accomplice to a hateful movement aimed at the destruction of Israel. See, Shattan, Ruhama “A 'tribute' to Rachel Corrie” Jerusalem Post, 3/2/04, pg 15. For others, she was a brave activist who deserves to be memorialized: http://www.rachelcorrie.org/.

As of November 2004: There is now a Seeds of Peace staff member who is a Palestinian from the West Bank.

Yassin, Sheikh Ahmed (1938-2004), co-founder and spiritual leader of HAMAS, an organization and movement that seeks the creation of an Islamic Palestinian state in pre-1948 Palestine and advocates the destruction of Israel. Yassin was paralyzed and left partially blind due to a childhood accident. As a refugee in Gaza after 1948, he worked as a teacher, preacher, and community leader. He spent many years in Israeli prison, first for being a member of the Muslim Brotherhood, and later for ordering the killing of Palestinians accused of collaborating with the Israeli army. He was released in 1997 in exchange for the return of two Israeli secret service agents who had been detained in Jordan. The Israeli military attempted to assassinate him on several occasions, maintaining that he masterminded suicide attacks on Israelis. Sheikh Yassin opposed the Oslo process and preached a vehemently anti-Israel stance, making frequent public statements in support of suicide bombings. Prior to his death, he proposed a ceasefire with Israel on condition that they withdraw to 1967 boundaries and cease their policy of targeted assassinations. The Israeli military killed him by air strike on March 22, 2004. See Hartley, Cathy, ed. A Survey of Arab-Israeli Relations, 2nd ed. London and New York: Europa Publications, 2004.

Purim A Jewish festival commemorating the deliverance of the Persian Jews from the plot of Haman to exterminate them as recorded in the Book of Esther. Celebrated on the 14th and 15th of Adar in the Jewish calendar (late February/early March), with a reading of the Book of Esther and the giving of gifts to friends and the needy. A joyous celebration, Purim is celebrated with masquerading and parties. See http://www.jewishencyclopedia.com/view.jsp?artid=613&letter=P

Huler is refering to Israeli alerts that attacks are being planned against Israel.

A Jaffee Center poll in 2003 found that “59 percent of Israelis would agree to establishment of a Palestinian state in the framework of peace, up from 49 percent “ in 2002. “Poll: 59% of Israelis support evacuation of settlements “ Associated Press, 6/10/03 An April, 2004, poll showed that 53% of Israelis would support removing all the settlements if peace required it. (http://spirit.tau.ac.il/socant/peace/peaceindex/2004/files/apr2004e.doc).

Huler is refering to the cultural clash in Israeli society between Ashkenazi Jews (of Eastern European descent) and Sephardi Jews (or, more accurately Mizrachi Jews-- Jews from Muslim or Arab countries). The terms Sephardi and Mizrachi are sometimes used interchangeably, however Sephardi refers to Jews "descended from those who lived in Spain and Portugal (the Iberian peninsula) before the expulsion of 1492." See http://www.jewishvirtuallibrary.org/jsource/gloss.html#s. Mizrachi, meaning "eastern" generally refers to Jews from Muslim or Arab countries.

For a book exploring this, see: Segev, Tom Elvis in Jerusalem: Post-Zionism and The Americanization of Israel Owl Books, 2001 (Published originally in Hebrew as Hatziyonim Hakhadishim. Keter Publishing House, 2001)

Camp David An American presidential getaway in Maryland. In the context of the Arab-Israeli conflict, two significant events took place at Camp David, often referred to as Camp David I and Camp David II. At Camp David I (September 1978), Egyptian President Sadat and Israeli Prime Minister Begin reached a bilateral agreement, with assistance and pressure from American President Carter, in which Israel would return the Sinai Peninsula in exchange for recognition and peace with Egypt, thereby establishing a precedent for “land-for-peace” negotiations. The Agreement called for talks between Israel, Jordan, Egypt and Palestinian representatives to create a framework for negotiations regarding the status of the West Bank and Gaza Strip. This goal was never met. Camp David II refers to the last Oslo process-related meetings between Yasser Arafat, Ehud Barak and Bill Clinton in the summer of 2000 over “final status” issues such as the settlements, Jerusalem, Palestinian statehood, the rights and entitlements of Palestinian refugees and more. Negotiations broke down and no agreement was reached. The collapse of the process was followed shortly thereafter by the second intifada. See Swisher, Clayton E. The Truth About Camp David: The Untold Story of the Collapse of the Middle East Peace Process. New York: Nation Books, 2004, Sher, Gilead. The Israeli-Palestinian Peace Negotiations, 1999-2001: Within Reach. London & New York: Routledge, 2006, Shamir, Shimon and Bruce Maddy-Wetzman, eds. The Camp David Summit-What Went Wrong? Brighton: Sussex Academic Press, 2005 and Malley, Robert and Hussein Agha. “Camp David: The Tragedy of Errors.” New York Review of Books (August 9 2001), pp 59-65, online at http://www.nybooks.com/articles/14380

Barak, Ehud (1942-) Israel’s Prime Minister from 1999-2001. Member of the Labor Party. 14th Chief of the General Staff and Lt. General, the highest rank in the Israeli military. He is also the most highly decorated general of the Israeli Army. It is widely held that the Oslo process collapsed definitively in 2000 when Prime Minister Barak and Palestinian National Authority President Yasser Arafat failed to reach an agreement at Camp David. Barak left politics after Likud leader Ariel Sharon defeated him in direct elections for Prime Minister in 2001, but returned in 2004. In June 2007 he won the Labor Primaries, and as Labor leader replaced Amir Peretz as Defense Minister. See Kumaraswamy, P.R. “Barak, Ehud.” Historical Dictionary of the Arab-Israeli Conflict. Oxford: The Scarecrow Press, 2006. See online Patience, Martin. “Ehud Barak: Israel’s Comeback Kid.” BBC News. 13 June 2007. 19 June 2007