« Portrait | Interview Highlights

Interview with Abigail Jacobson

Please tell me about yourself, your family and where you grew up.

My name is Abigail Jacobson. I was born in Israel, in Herzliya,1 and I am part of a very small family: mother, father, sister, and dog. Both my parents are academics; my father is a university professor and my mother ran a library for many years. I am about to marry my partner Avner; he's a bio-chemist and has started working on his doctorate. I live in Tel Aviv,2 I'm 33. Last year I finished my doctorate at the University of Chicago, my field is in Middle Eastern History. Currently, I teach at Tel Aviv University3 and at the Interdisciplinary Center, Herzliya, and facilitate groups at Hands of Peace,4 an organization we will surely talk about. I have been a facilitator for many years; I took a facilitation course in Neve Shalom/Wahat al Salam5 in 1999, and I've been facilitating at all kinds of organizations since. That's my short bio.

Please tell me about Hands of Peace and about being a facilitator there.

Hands of Peace is a relatively small organization, and it brings together Israeli and Palestinian youth. The Israeli group includes a strong group of Palestinian citizens of Israel. The organization has existed for four years and was founded as a personal initiative by three women from Chicago: one Jewish, one Muslim and one Christian, who wanted to contribute to ending the conflict. They founded the organization and later there were some personnel changes. The religious or the inter-faith aspect of the organization is also important. Personally, I feel that the religious aspect is very nice, but isn't the central issue that needs to be addressed in the Israeli- Palestinian conflict.

At Hands of Peace, youth - Jewish Israelis, Palestinian citizens of Israel and Palestinians - travel to the [United] States for a two-week encounter in Chicago. American Jews, Muslims and Christians also join the encounter. A very complex encounter takes place between different ethnic, religious and national groups there; of course, the encounter is facilitated. We are two facilitators; I am one – the Israeli - and there is a Palestinian facilitator, and we are joined by American facilitators. Encounter is a significant part of the program, and most of the two weeks is dedicated to dialogue. The rest is spent touring Chicago and meeting local organizations and local religious communities. On weekends we visit a synagogue, a mosque and a church, and watch religious rituals. We work a lot on facilitated dialogue, and then when the two weeks are over, the kids return home to continue in a follow up program. We try to have them meet every month and a half, but it depends on the closure situation.

The follow up program's meetings take place in Jerusalem, and are facilitated. I am one of the facilitators and I coordinated the organization's activities in Israel for two or three years, together with the Palestinian coordinator, Ghazan Makhlouf. We try to get the participants, the "hands" as we call them, to meet based on the understanding and recognition that the two weeks they spend in Chicago are a lot of fun, but not simple. They are a formative experience for many of the kids, and of course when they return to their realities here in Israel and in the Territories6 they encounter a completely different reality. They need to be brought back to the questions they began to ask themselves during the encounter in Chicago.

How did you begin to facilitate?

I was drawn to facilitation mostly due to my friend, who took a facilitation course at Neve Shalom and facilitated there for many years. She pushed me to facilitate. I met her while I was a post graduate student at Tel Aviv University. She works in the field. She and another friend drew me to it, and I had a few personal experiences that made me want to work in this direction-- to think of dialogue in a more structured way where I can retain some control and be active in it.

Please tell me about the experiences that made you want to facilitate dialogue.

There were various and different encounters over the years. There was one small organization which I think no longer exists, called Interns for Peace, which involves Jewish and Arab kids from villages and other places, but that was years back. I think a formative experience was being part of a student delegation of Israelis and Palestinians called Shalom-Salaam, an organization that is currently on hold because of the current situation. The delegation went to Oslo for summer school, and was funded by Rotary International Norway. There were six Israeli students from Israeli universities and six Palestinian students. That was in 1998, before the [second] intifada7 began, when things were better - relatively speaking. This was a six week program in Oslo, with follow up that we were supposed to organize ourselves, because we were old enough. In Oslo we were a sub-group within the summer school, in which hundreds of people had enrolled from all over the world. Every participant signed up for a course they chose, and I chose a course on peace research. We students in Shalom-Salaam had our own activities – dialogue as well as joint living arrangements – Israeli women with Palestinian women and Israeli men with Palestinian men – for the entire semester.

At the beginning of the program something happened, and in retrospect, it had a strong impact on me and the course of my involvement. A week after the program began, there was a group discussion. My roommate, a young woman from Nablus8, attacked me on a very personal level and I felt it was very harsh. She told me she felt threatened by me because I asked her lots of questions about herself, her life and her plans, and she felt that I was following her around, butting into her life and threatening her. This caught me completely off guard because obviously the last thing I wanted to do was threaten her, of course that wasn't my intention. I asked her lots of questions because I really wanted to get to know her.

That's when I understood that my behavior could be interpreted in a way I didn't intend. I also needed to be very sensitive and understand that what I take for granted isn't taken for granted by others. I'm an open person and always ask lots of questions; I want to get to know people I meet, but that isn't the same for someone else from a different reality, a different culture, whose experiences differ from mine, and they could understand me to be threatening - in this case it's the Palestinians' reality. It surprised me; I was very hurt and shaken up by it.

Of course we talked about it a lot together and we straightened things out. I apologized, but it was at that point that one of the students who had trained as a facilitator at Neve Shalom tried a little to facilitate dialogue, and led us to discuss different topics, drawing on this encounter. I was very interested in this and it was something I wanted to do too in practice and also in thinking and in interacting. This clash really opened my eyes to things I was aware of in theory but had never personally experienced. It really shook me up and I think, in retrospect, that this was one of the reasons I took the course in Neve Shalom a year later. Another reason was that people I knew had completed the course, and were impressed with the experiences they were exposed to in it.

Do you witness similar sensitive situations at Hands of Peace?

Sure. On different levels these things constantly repeat themselves and occur very often in dialogue and encounters. You could say that Israeli youth is much more open than Palestinian youth, but there are differences among Palestinian youths due to their residence, social-economic status, history and experience. A girl from Nablus isn't the same as a boy from East Jerusalem,9 and you could say the same for Israeli kids. I see misunderstanding and friction constantly recurring. So, of course, as a facilitator I try to deal with this.

How do parents feel about sending their kids so far away from home to meet with kids from the other side?

Clearly, from a psychological standpoint it is very challenging for all the parents. The challenge is greater for the Palestinian parents, though, because sending their kid abroad is more intimidating. Many of the children have never been abroad, and neither have many of the parents. [For them] the concept of going abroad for two weeks, leaving their house and traveling so far is crazy. For the Israeli kids, on the other hand, traveling abroad is more accessible, and the majority have been abroad. I think that for the Palestinian parents, sending their kids to Jerusalem is easier…if they sent their kid to Chicago, won't they be willing to send the kid to Jerusalem? On the other hand, for Israeli parents, sending their kids to Chicago is much easier than to Nablus. [For the Israeli parents] the psychological distance between Haifa10 and Nablus is greater than between Haifa and Chicago.

Are the children's families involved in the programs at Hands of Peace?

They are involved as parents, and when the kids are in Chicago they keep in touch. Before the program begins we have an orientation with Israeli and Palestinian families. For many families, this is the first encounter with the other in a context that is not a conflict situation. We thought of holding ongoing meetings for the parents too. The parents here and in the US have their special e-mail lists. In the US there are also parents who are involved and I'll talk about that in a moment. But meetings for parents didn't work out because of [the lack of] funding, organization, and the organizational infrastructure of Hands of Peace.

There are parents who become very involved; I often speak to parents before we travel in order to reassure them, answer their questions, hear about their kid, sort out their concerns, and explain what we do. Other organizations, such as Seeds of Peace,11 have a three-week long summer camp away from home. At Hands of Peace, however, we have a two-week long summer camp, where the kids are hosted by local Jewish, Muslim and Christian families. This adds an additional, interesting dimension to the program. The program itself is very small. There are usually about 25 participants in total, from here [Israelis and Palestinians] and from the US. All participants are hosted by families, even the American kids. This gives the kids from here a chance to see and experience the American way of life in the suburbs. Not only do they encounter the other participants but they also encounter their [host] families. This isn't simple, but in our experience it's amazing. The host families become attached to the kids, and the kids get attached to their host families. Also, some of the host families send their kids to participate in the program. The program is based on community, which is one of the important aspects of it.

Who are the Israeli and Palestinian participants?

The Israelis are students at schools that we cooperate with. We currently work with schools in Haifa (both Jewish and Arab schools), Dir Hana,12 Jerusalem, Tel Aviv and in the Jezreel Valley.13 We sort through the applicants and select kids who can express themselves in English. Both Israelis and Palestinians are interviewed in English, though at meetings we allow the use of the other languages because we know that sometimes it can be hard expressing yourself in a language that isn't your mother tongue. If a Hebrew speaker needs assistance, we translate, and the same for Arabic speakers. In general though, we use English, and so we need English speaking kids. Of course, we also want kids who are involved, not necessarily politically, but socially, and who are politically and socially aware. They need to know what is going on, and a little bit about the history of the conflict. They also need to have an opinion – be it Left-, Right- or Center-oriented. Of course we don't accept to the program kids who say, "Death to the Arabs", but then again kids like that won't come to us. We think it's important to take kids with an opinion, and not necessarily just left-wing kids. Last year, we had a politically diverse group on both the Israeli and Palestinian sides. This made the encounter very interesting, but very challenging. That's reality.

It's more difficult to find Palestinian kids to participate because schools won't allow us to identify and select candidates ourselves. The Palestinian coordinator wasn't permitted to select the kids: the schools themselves wanted to select the participants. By default that meant that the kids are always ones whose parents were from the social elite or the community leadership, people the principal wanted to demonstrate his respect to. We didn't want that, so we developed a network of our own. We reached out to children from diverse backgrounds and for the past few years we have operated by word of mouth. There have been some successful participants and they have had friends who also want to participate, so we take them. Of course this isn't entirely fair, but it's the best we can do given the limitations. Obviously selecting children who are able to express themselves in English is also setting a standard, but we have no choice, we have to work this way.

Has anything changed for you because of facilitating?

Yes, many things have changed for me. First of all, it has made me view matters more critically. I have also learned that there are different shades of colors in different sectors and groups. I have become more critical due to my work. I have learned how to interpret, and how to examine in a more profound way.  I have also learned not to be superficial but to delve and discover [information] that is not only conflict-related but also things connected to people's behavior. I have gotten to meet very interesting people and have had very interesting experiences. Also, I feel that I'm involved and that I'm doing something. I'm contributing slightly to a few people's progress in life, or what I perceive as their progress.

How does your work contribute to promoting an end to the conflict?

Facilitating is very active but it can be pretty frustrating when you think about the scope of it. Every year at Hands of Peace, we bring 17 youth to the program, at most. That's nothing, just a drop in the ocean compared to the communities or the public that should optimally be reached. I have facilitated at Neve Shalom and have worked at Givat Haviva,14 and it's the same issue at every place that brings youth, students or adults together. There's always that sense of being a drop in the bucket, of having a very limited effect on very specific people. The rationale, or the hope, is that it works in spheres. The hope is that kids who return from Hands of Peace or from a three-day workshop at Neve Shalom have had something turned on in them. Hopefully it made them ask questions and go to their parents and friends and talk about these matters. Then their friends might also get interested and want to participate in such an encounter, and their parents might start talking with their kids. Generally, most families aren't involved, nor are kids. These encounters can create a ripple, making the margins of this "puddle" grow. That is my hope.

What is the effect of your work?

I feel very satisfied because, if I do my job well, I see how deeply I'm affecting these kids. After two weeks, or even three days, they return from the encounter and I see that it opened up something in them. It prompted them to ask so many questions and doubt so many things that they didn't use to perceive as problematic. It could be truths they were taught or were exposed to by the media or at home, which they never doubted before or questioned. For me, the questioning stage is the critical point in an encounter. I don't expect kids to have all the answers after just two weeks, and I don't expect kids to change their views completely. However, I do expect their perceptions to change. I expect doubt to begin to set in regarding truths or beliefs they once had.  I think their own doubt will result in them pursuing, thinking, researching and asking questions. When this happens, when I see this happening in youths, for me that is incredibly satisfying. It makes it worth the work, the effort, the frustrations, the hardships, and the emotions, and it happens, it happens very often. Some people talk about how it changed their lives and say it was the most amazing experience they had, and these are 18 year-olds. When that happens it's incredible. I have a feeling that it does have an effect on people.

What challenges do you face in your work?

There are technical as well as other challenges. A technical challenge, which is less interesting, is when I was coordinating the activity on the Israeli side of the organization. There were the technical challenges of permits, visas, reaching people, selecting and interviewing participants, all of which I conducted from my house because we don't have an office, only my laptop…that's the operations room. The same goes for Ghazan, the Palestinian coordinator.

There were many challenges because of intercultural differences, not so much between me and Ghazan because we pretty much were on the same page, but between us and the Americans who direct the organization in the US. Some of them don't really understand exactly how complex it is here. They don't see how much we need to do to prepare for a meeting here in Jerusalem, and just how unstable it is in terms of the chances a meeting will be canceled because of closures.15 They don't understand this. There are very big cultural differences as well as differences in perspective on the conflict, issues that I mentioned earlier.

But the greatest challenges are in facilitating children as well as facilitating with a partner. Of course, working with a partner isn't a simple matter. I work according to the techniques I learned at the School for Peace at Neve Shalom, which are based on facilitating with a partner. Two people facilitate. I am the Jewish-Israeli facilitator and I work with a partner from the other side. They can be either Palestinian or Arab, and it could be a Palestinian citizen of Israel, or what is called a 1967 Palestinian, from the West Bank.16 Facilitating with a partner is a big challenge, because it involves dealing with power dynamics within the group. There are questions such as who is more dominant, who does the group listen to more, whose interventions are accepted more, whose mirroring counts more, and who does the group relate to more. In the relationship, there are matters of internal dynamics as well as personal nuances. Of course, there are sometimes differences of opinion as to how to work with a certain group. There are professional challenges, like whether to challenge a group in a certain way or which way to choose.

A facilitator really has a lot of influence on what happens in the group if the facilitation is done well. You could spend hours talking about facilitation strategies, analyzing the group and the dynamics and thinking up strategies and ways to lead the group. Sometimes facilitators agree, and sometimes you have to compromise. The worst case scenario is when there is hardly any communication between the facilitators. This is a real crisis and should be avoided. I've rarely encountered this though – and obviously not at Hands of Peace. These are all the challenges in facilitating with a partner.

Besides that, there are endless challenges working with the participants. I could go on and on all day long…there is designing my role as facilitator, [the difficulty of] challenging the participants in a positive and healthy way, and trying to stimulate them to think rather than shutting them up. It is a challenge knowing where to draw the line in discussions and important to build trust in me. It is also a challenge to make them feel that the dialogue is a safe space, in which they can speak freely as long as nobody gets hurt to the furthest extent possible, and also that the room or the space is a safe space. Dialogue needs to be productive and not destructive. It shouldn't lead the participants to bad places, it should encourage them to think critically. Of course there are challenges working on a team, as in every organization, and obviously team relations can be very sensitive. Things become very personal, and that isn't always simple. It's full of interesting challenges!

How does the group of Palestinian citizens of Israel fit in at Hands of Peace?

That's a very interesting question. The Palestinian citizens of Israel are a sub-group; in certain ways - in theory - they are wedged in between. They are part of the Israeli collective, at least in terms of their citizenship, and of course for part of the participants they belong to the Palestinian collective. We usually try, to the best of our ability, to select kids who express the range that exists but sometimes we are taken by surprise by the different shades in this group. We really try to bring people who are capable of expressing this unique voice. This means we try not to bring kids whose identity is Palestinian without a single question mark, or kids who perceive themselves as only Palestinians and erase their Israeli identity completely. This happens sometimes, but ideally these aren't the kids we want to reach out to. We want to reach out to kids who can express the complexity of their identity as clearly as possible, and also the profound difficulties they encounter as Palestinian citizens of Israel, their different experience of history, their sensitivity to being a refugee and suffering, being compared to Palestinians, and stereotyping. Sometimes these kids don't know a thing about Palestinians, or have never met a Palestinian from the West Bank, yet they perceive themselves as Palestinian. It's very interesting.

About a year ago we almost had a Druze17 girl join, and that would have led us to other issues. The technical aspects didn't work out, it was not because she wasn't a good candidate. We did have a Druze participant once and the conversation and the dialogue and dynamics navigated in a different direction in terms of identity. Our Palestinian–Israeli group [at Hands of Peace] is very strong, it's one of the strongest groups, and there are amazing kids in this group. You can really see the variety of identities in this group. For Jewish Israelis it's interesting to understand the complexity, as well as for Palestinians. There is an interesting dynamic between the triangle's three sides.

There are also things that are completely different. One issue that has been coming up a lot lately in the group is the [Israeli] army draft,18 because some kids are about to be drafted. Kids [Palestinian citizens of Israel] ask about this, and you see how they deal with it, how they view people who can't or don't wish to go to the army, how they deal with the fact that their Jewish friends do go, and how the Palestinians [from the West Bank] deal with it.

How do you address the issue of the army draft?

We work on it intensively, but we don't encourage people to refuse army service. That isn't our approach. We don't even raise the issue, participants do. The matter came up two summers ago in a group I was facilitating. An Israeli kid who was beginning military service at the end of that summer and a Palestinian kid the same age who was going abroad to study started up a dialogue. There was an in-depth discussion about the army and its significance. The Palestinian kid said, "When you enter the army you turn into someone else completely. When you wear the uniform you are no longer the person I'm talking to now, you become a soldier, and I might meet you at a checkpoint."19 They talked about whether the army's actions are just or unjust, about what the army is actually doing in the Territories, about what it stems from, and about the period the army has been occupying the Territories. Here I confronted the kids' lack of knowledge of history, especially the Israeli kid's - the winners can always afford the privilege of not knowing history, or not know all of history.

This year we're dealing with this matter quite a bit during the follow up meetings because there are kids [from Hands of Peace] who have begun military service or are about to. Before one of the girls began her military service she shared her deliberation very candidly and honestly, bravely, and her decision to do military service, how she views military service, what she will be doing there and how she intends to bring what she learned at Hands of Peace to the service. This was discussed over e-mail with the group, and there was a lot of back and forth between kids from our different groups, who replied to each other. It created a very stormy and difficult discussion. The conversation continued, and we invited two representatives from Combatants for Peace to our last meeting to talk about their experiences, and that made the Jewish Israelis react too.

In terms of the way I address the army, I don't necessarily encourage the kids to refuse. I try to encourage them to think critically about questions such as: what is the army doing in the Territories? Why is it there? Who is the army serving? What [end] is it serving? How can they, as future soldiers, create change if they decide to serve in the army? I have friends who say this approach is naïve, and that as a facilitator or someone in this field one of my goals should clearly be to encourage people to refuse military service, and that should be my aspiration. I'm skeptical about this approach. I don't feel it would be right because it isn't a decision I should encourage. I feel my job is to encourage critical thinking, and thinking critically they should make up their minds.

Are there [Israeli] kids who were participants and began military service?

Yes.

Do they continue to communicate with the Palestinian participants?

Some do and some don't. One graduate who was drafted came to our last meeting, the meeting with Combatants for Peace. There are kids who were drafted and who stay in touch. There is a limited pool of participants, because we've only been operating for 4 or 5 years.

You mentioned the kids aren't very familiar with history. As a historian, how do you deal with this?

I'm shocked. When I facilitate during a long session, I try to dedicate at least one meeting to comparing historical narratives. It's an activity called a lifeline, and we mark historical events on a timeline, talk about what caused other things to happen, what led to what, what the significant events are in the context of the conflict, and points where they had a personal effect on people. Sound familiar? It's a very interesting activity because it combines historical events with the personal ones and the relationship between the two. Of course you can vary the activity.

I am astounded every time at how unfamiliar these kids are with history to the point that I think I need to stop teaching at the university right now and teach elementary or high school. I'm not talking about the complexity of history, of how people view history; I don't expect kids to have that kind of insight. I am talking about basic knowledge; kids knew nothing about 196720 or about when the Occupation21 began. They thought the State of Israel was founded in 1946 and not in 1948.22 Their answers are very interesting when I ask them when the conflict began - I ask them to mark it on the timeline. It's interesting to see the starting point, and it's also interesting to see which points are perceived as significant on both sides.

For the Jews, it all dates back to the Second Temple, exile to Babylon…followed by 2000 years of exile and then suddenly we're back! They skip to the first, second, third, fourth and finally fifth aliyah23. The State of Israel [is established], and then usually they elegantly skip the war of 1967, they go from the Sinai Campaign [1956]24 to the Yom Kippur War,25 the Gulf War26…For the Palestinians it's different, obviously. They stress other points, and it's very interesting. At this point, I enter as a historian and give them a short speech about the importance of understanding narratives, how people view matters differently and what that means, how you can view matters, about the importance of history, how you can think about the other narrative and how the other side sees things. This is where I share my knowledge. Hearing how little these kids see can be pretty shocking.

Did anything about the timelines surprise you, aside from errors or lack of historical knowledge?

Yes, last summer, all of a sudden 1921 was a pivotal event for the Jewish Israeli group! They made up a White Book published in 1921 (which wasn't true) and then they made it a very important date. While it may have been an important year, it was one among many during the [British] mandate27…They are always referring to such events using the Hebrew calendar years and I have to stop and calculate – 5689 [1929], 5696 [1936]…it's funny because I have to stop and figure it out.

In terms of what compensates for the hard work, I was moved by something that a participant in a workshop told me. It was after we had worked on timelines and narratives, and a girl who just finished 11th grade said to me, “I just finished my final exam in History, and only now do I understand just how little I know, so now I'll go and read not only for exams and it'll be much more interesting and fun”. I thought to myself, yay! That was the biggest compliment I could have been given, and the best thing I could ask for in return in this context.

Do you ever discover facts you prefer not to know, in your research?

That's a good question. I discover things that I would prefer not to know, but I find that I need to be careful not to romanticize my subjects. It happened to me during my doctoral studies, when I was researching the Sephardic-Jewish community in Jerusalem. I felt I had to be careful not to romanticize the community because I thought their view of the future relations here was very smart, and I had to be careful at times not to lose a critical viewpoint, to view them in proportion to reality. That is problematic and critical in historical research. You get so deep down into your research and the subjects – people, groups, events that you research, it's a common phenomenon to sympathize with your subjects and you need to be careful of that, not to lose your critical approach.

Do you encounter prejudice?

Of course! There is prejudice on both sides. For example, Jewish kids suddenly discover that Muslim kids, that Arab girls can wear sexy clothes, or can look good – that's on a very superficial level… Of course it runs deeper, there is the matter of fear - looking at the other person and thinking he might be about to kill you. That's because of the way Jews views Arabs, how Arabs view Palestinians, how Palestinians view Israelis. It is a result of the reality of life and of experiences.

In retrospect, is there anything you think you were prejudiced against?

Me? It's difficult for me to say. I can't think about it now. You should have asked me ten years ago when I got started, because that was the real blow. I would want to consider myself free of prejudice, or unaware of being prejudiced. Perhaps I am prejudiced in a way I'm unaware of.

How is your work received in your community?

My community is very supportive. I grew up in a Leftist-oriented home. I recall going to demonstrations from a very young age. I went to a youth group, I was a counselor. I was very involved politically since I was very young, I was in Ratz's youth group. My family is very supportive and encouraging, that is, my close family and social circles. People are very curious, and there are people who really appreciate the work I'm doing because I'm doing something, I'm involved. I'm not just complaining, but doing something.

Do people around you think of Hands of Peace as third-party involvement?

I think the American part is perceived as less significant. Let me put it differently: there is a very clear distinction between the follow up and the encounter in Chicago. In Chicago, the American presence is underlined and clear, but here in the follow up program it's a Palestinian-Israeli program. The follow up is only Israeli and Palestinian, and the American involvement is less important, less significant so there isn't really a third party here.

Of course, when I coordinated the Israeli side, I was doing it as Abigail the Israeli coordinator, and Ghazan was Ghazan the Palestinian coordinator. One of the reasons I stopped coordinating, aside from not having time, was that I understood that being both the coordinator and facilitator is a problem. Facilitating is one thing, and coordinating is another, and it creates a tension between the two functions. One person can't do both together. When I was the coordinator, I was also the Israeli facilitator, actually the only one. I felt that it was problematic, and that was one of the reasons why I left that position. The American issue is less influential in daily life here.

If you could start over in you work, what would you change?

I would want to work with adults more. I've worked extensively with youth and I would like to work with students and adults. I would want to do it through a different organization, not Hands of Peace, perhaps somewhere like Neve Shalom.

Is there a specific model you would want to use?

Students could work according to a model similar to Hands of Peace, an ongoing encounter in a neutral place, and then follow up here. That's what other programs do. Of course, the content is different, the depths you reach. I'm not sure what's more challenging, working with youth or with adults. I think it's a different kind of challenge.

How is your work affected by the political situation?

It's constantly affected, everything that happens affects us, from requesting and receiving permits for Palestinians to enter Israel to people's willingness to participate in such an encounter, which is not a triviality. Of course events such as the War in Lebanon28 when we're in Chicago, Beit Hanoun,29 a suicide attack, an IDF30 invasion, these things have their effect.

You talked a little bit about this earlier, what is this conflict about?

As I said, I see this as a national conflict, rather than a religious conflict. There are religious elements to it, but the conflict itself isn't about religion, it isn't an inter-religious conflict, it's between two national groups: the Israeli group, which has realized and is realizing its national identity, and the Palestinian group, whose national identity has not yet been realized. It's a territorial conflict, a national and territorial conflict, and its solution is very clear to me. So clear, yet so far away, unfortunately!

What solution do you envision?

I am not one of the people who advocate a bi-national state solution, I think the first stage to a solution here is separation. I think the Palestinians need to practice their nationalism and therefore we need to separate and enforce a two-state solution.31 There needs to be a solution to the [Palestinian] refugee problem, part of which will entail some of the refugees' return, but not a complete return. I think the right of return32 [for Palestinian refugees] can't be accepted in the Israeli reality.

In an ideal world we would all live here, but I'm trying to be more réal politique. Jerusalem is divided anyhow, and should be. Very few Israelis come to East Jerusalem. I think the borders are very clear, there isn't much room for playing games. All settlements33 should be removed immediately, once and for all. I don't believe in settlement clusters, one kind or another of definitions for these territories. I think they should all be evacuated.

What is the ideal situation you would like to see realized here?

The ideal situation would be that all the people who live in the State of Israel – and you could talk about the complex situation the Arab citizens of Israel are in – but for all the people here, I want them to be bilingual and understand both languages completely, communicate using both languages [Arabic and Hebrew]. I want there to be free passage between Israel and Palestine, for people to communicate, trade with each other, visit, maintain contacts, like in the European Community. That to me is ideal. Of course, you would cross from country to country, but you wouldn't need a visa, and you could cross freely. There would be trust, no fear or worries. That is the ideal situation.

Do you speak Arabic?

I speak Arabic. I am better at classical Arabic, also called Fus'ha, than my spoken Arabic, what is called Ami'a. It's hard for me to learn a language passively and then use it, but I understand and speak Arabic. It's harder for me when it's an intellectual discussion, if I have to do it in Arabic it's more difficult for me, but I can function in Arabic.

What do you think about previous peace processes here?

In a nutshell: they miss the point. They miss the point and are full of mistakes. They also surrendered too quickly. Peace processes here are not brave or consistent enough, and the peace process isn't aggressive enough, if you can talk about a peace process being aggressive. People always reminisce about Rabin34 but Rabin also missed some opportunities, occasionally. Rabin should have evacuated [the settlers] from Hebron35 after the Goldstein massacre,36 that would have saved us a lot of trouble. Leaders are afraid of their constituencies and that's frustrating because they are led by these external considerations and these determine our fate. Peace processes miss the point and are unrealized.

What do you consider a brave action at this point?

I think it would be brave to come and talk to Hamas37 openly as the Palestinians' representative despite the fact that they don't acknowledge the existence of the State of Israel. Say, “okay, they don't acknowledge the State's existence.”

Talk to Syria. What other signal does Damascus need to send in order for the [Israeli] Prime Minister to understand Assad38 is interested in talking to him? When you enter negotiations you don't know what their outcome will be, but dialogue is important in itself to prevent alternatives that are much more detrimental. I support dialogue rather than those bleak alternatives. I think you can't be afraid of concessions, you must understand that the whole story entails making concessions.

People have to understand that there is a strong side and a weak side, an occupier and occupied side. People must understand that it is very clear which is which. There aren't multiple options as to who is the occupier and who is the occupied side.

Obviously both sides err, and the Palestinians have committed tragic mistakes, historic mistakes, but thank God, so did we. All those meandering leaders should get together and understand things can't continue this way for much longer. The hourglass is working against us.

What does peace mean to you?

I think it means trust and lack of fear, which are more or a less the same things. It means security, not in the physical sense, but a sense of security psychologically, trusting and believing in the other side not to screw you, knowing you can trust them. It means a better future.

Do you think there will be peace here?

I think so, matters can't continue this way for many more years. It's hard for me to think about there being a conflict here in a hundred years. I hope there will be peace in my lifetime, I hope to be present then.

Is that a historical perspective?

No, this isn't a historical perspective, it's based on current events. The conflict isn't only… when you talk about the conflict, it's more complex than the part between us and the Palestinians. The consequences of this conflict on the State of Israel itself are weighty - and I'm not even talking about the Arabs who live here but about the Jews who live in Israel and about the way this conflict affects all areas of life in this country; the economy, society, culture, values, and what this State is.

Sometimes, talking to American Jews who want to support institutions in Israel, I say, wait. Think about who these institutions support. I ask them, “why do you want to contribute money?” They say, “we want to contribute money in order to support the State of Israel”. Then I analyze with them the course the money they want to contribute will run. Really it will go towards constructing houses in settlements, paving bypass roads in the Territories, and to the army. I agree that the army is very important and I don't think it should be dismantled. I think it's naïve thinking it should be, but the funds people contribute aren't going to the important causes, to social and economical goals in Israel. I love Israel very much. I feel very attached and invested in it, its future is important to me and I believe its future is linked to the Palestinians'. If things are good for the Palestinians, it'll be good for us too, but if things are crappy there, it'll be crappy for us as well, even though we're allegedly strong because we're the occupiers.

It's very clear to me that the occupation has weakened us over the years. In retrospect, 1967 was a mistake, a tragic mistake that this country made. It's a shame, a shame not to end this, entering the fortieth year, it's crazy when you think about it! How people live in this country, the Israeli kids I worked with at Hands of Peace didn't know when the occupation began! They didn't know, they didn't know the date. I'm appalled. It's been generations, people growing up in this reality, not knowing another reality, they never questioned it.

I am optimistic because I think things can't keep going this way! I think the exit point is so easy and clear that I don't believe it's intractable. This conflict is so tractable that it's a joke how fast you could resolve it.

Do you think there are important external actors involved in resolving the conflict here?

I think external actors and mediation are important. Sometimes I hope that there will be European mediators here rather than American, especially when the mediators here are Bush's. I think that not only are they not useful, I think they bring their fears and traumas with them and drag us places we have no interest in going. For example, take Bush's war on the axis of evil.39 My analysis is that Bush isn't interested in Israel negotiating with Syria because Syria is in the "axis of evil." Bush doesn't understand the way to break the "axis" – and I dislike this term – is exactly by negotiating peace with Syria. In short, American mediation doesn't get us anywhere and only causes harm.

I think Europeans bear in mind the bloody conflicts in their history that have been resolved. Perhaps their resolution wasn't ideal, but still they were resolved. Of course, it's also full of contradictions, tension and problems. There are things that happen in Europe that make it clear that it isn't the ideal reality but it definitely is more ideal than the reality in the US. I think that as a third party, the Europeans have more to offer this conflict than the US because there is a lack of vision in the United States' foreign and national policies.

What would you like them to do?

I want them to make the sides more assertive and brave, as I mentioned earlier. I want them not to give up so easily, to push us, push both sides. In terms of the US or European aid, I also think there should be sanctions and cutting off the aid. I have an American friend who said, "Abigail, I really love you very much but you cost me a lot." She's right! It's incredible how much every American taxpayer has invested in this muck! That needs to be cut and we should be sanctioned.

As an academic, what is your stance on academic sanctions?

I don't support academic sanctions, but not only because I'm an academic. I don't think they can be a solution. I don't think that academic sanctions promote anything because much of the critical discourse comes from academia and I want to be involved in promoting this type of discourse at the academic programs I am part of. So an academic ban on Israeli institutions is counter-productive. I wouldn't be able to attend conferences and discuss academic matters that interest me, and I don't think that promotes anything. I do think that it's important to ban produce from settlements worldwide.

What would you like people from abroad to know about this conflict?

I want them to be familiar with basic history, which I don't think they are. I also want them to know how many people are involved in this conflict, which I don't think they do. When I went to school in Chicago in 2000 there was a Chinese student, and when my friends and I were upset about what was happening, she said, "How many people is this actually about? How many people live in Israel?" I said, 6 or 6.5 million, of which a fifth are Arab citizens. She said, "That's about the size of a high school in Beijing." So get a real sense of proportion, be a little modest. With all due respect to this conflict, larger conflicts have been resolved, conflicts involving more people. We too can resolve our little friend, the conflict. It means the world to us but on a global historical scale, it needs some proportion.

I want people to know what this is all about because there is a lot of ignorance. I am very critical of people in the Jewish community in the US who follow blindly, like AIPAC,40 who constantly say, love Israel, support Israel. I always tried to break this and ask people, how do you want to support Israel? I explain the best way to support Israel is to oppose the occupation because when it ends Israel will be better off.

I want to tell people: know more, be more familiar, be less susceptible to propaganda. Arabs or Palestinians all over the world should know there are Israelis who are trying to do something to oppose and who sometimes pay a price. Israelis should know there are Palestinians doing this on their side and that not all are violent. Not all support violence or occupation. I don't think people are aware of this.

Do you pay a price for being active?

There is a chance I pay a price on a professional level but I'm not sure I mind paying it. The work I do, the activities I'm involved in, the people I'm in touch with, all make it impossible to find work at the GSS41 or the Mossad,42 if I wanted to. I wouldn't be able to work there. Not that these necessarily are places where I want to work, but there is work at their research departments that is very important, interesting departments like at the foreign ministry or the Mossad's research department. I'm not sure whether this fits with my ideology - say the Mossad and not the GSS - because this is a government institution run by a government I don't identify with. I think that had I wanted to work there, I wouldn't be able to be.

I think I pay a price, the same price all the people who are doing this kind of work do. It's a price I pay willingly, even lovingly. [The situation] occupies and bothers me and this work occupies me and is very demanding emotionally. Like I said before, being involved is sometimes exhausting and sometimes I see things others don't and it's depressing or exhausting, or tiring or frustrating, and sometimes I would like to live in New Zealand, so to speak. But I'm not, and I'm glad I'm not. I'm very happy and glad that I am active because when I lived abroad I missed being involved in this place, all of the aspects, the complexity and the different shades of colors.


Notes

We have done our best to provide accurate, fair yet succinct footnotes to help you navigate the interviews. Our research team comprises more than 6 individuals, including Palestinians, Israelis and North Americans. Still, we recognize that these notes cannot capture the full complexity of this contested conflict. Therefore, we encourage you to seek additional sources of information, we welcome your feedback and appreciate your openness.

Herzliya Israeli city North of Tel Aviv. Est. population 100,000.

Tel Aviv-Jaffa An Israeli city on the Mediterranean Sea, about 64 km west of Jerusalem. Est. population 350,000.

Tel Aviv University Located in Tel Aviv, it currently has an enrollment of 29,000 students.

Hands of Peace An interfaith organization that brings together Arab and Jewish Israelis, West Bank Palestinians, and Americans together to promote common understanding.  See their website, http://www.hands-of-peace.org/

Neve Shalom/Wahat al Salam Hebrew and Arabic for Oasis of Peace. A village in Israel bteween Jerusalem and Tel Aviv established jointly by Jews and Palestinian Arabs of Israeli citizenship, with the goal of engaging in "educational work for peace, equality and understanding between the two peoples." Fifty families currently live there.

Occupied Palestinian Territories Also known as the “Territories,” “East Jerusalem, the West Bank and Gaza”, the “Occupied Territories” or as “Judea, Samaria and Gaza.” In the context of the Palestinian-Israeli conflict, this term generally refers to two non-contiguous territories captured by Israel following the war of 1967 (“June War,” “al-Nakba,” or “Six-Day War”), but does not usually include the Golan Heights. East Jerusalem, the West Bank and Gaza are considered occupied by much of the international community and are treated as such by many international legal instruments. The Territories, or some part of, are slated to be the basis for an independent Palestine. Some members of the Israeli government refer to the Occupied Palestinian Territories as “disputed territory,” while certain right-wing factions in Israel consider the territory an integral part of biblical Israel and thus modern political Israel. See “International Law and ‘Occupied’/ ‘Disputed’ Territory Debate” and “War of 1967.”

Second Intifada Arabic for “shaking off.” The second intifada is sometimes called the Al-Aqsa (Aksa or ‘Aqsa) Intifada or the Armed Intifada. It refers to the recent Palestinian uprising against Israeli occupation of the West Bank and Gaza. The second intifada began in September 2000 following the breakdown of diplomatic efforts to resolve the Israeli-Palestinian conflict, and immediately following Ariel Sharon’s (then, an Israeli opposition leader) police escorted visit to the Temple Mount/ Haram al-Sharif. Sovereignty over the Temple Mount/Haram al-Sharif and their holy sites (including the al-Aqsa mosque). Sharon was highlighting a major point of contention in negotiations as both Jews and Muslims greatly revere the area. There is debate as to whether the second intifada was a spontaneous uprising catalyzed by Sharon’s visit to the Temple Mount/Haram al-Sharif, or a planned revolt by certain Palestinian leaders, including Yasser Arafat. Unlike the first intifada, the second intifada involved suicide bombings and more use of arms, in addition to mass rallies, general strikes and various other strategies. The exact end date of the second intifada is ambiguous. Some claim it is ongoing. See also First Intifada. See Hartley, Cathy, ed. A Survey of Arab-Israeli Relations, 2nd ed. London and New York: Europa Publications, 2004. See online “The second Intifada.” 8 December 2003. AlJazeera.net. November 2007 http://english.aljazeera.net/English/archive/archive?ArchiveId=187 and “Al-Aqsa Intifada timeline.” 29 Sept 2004. BBC News Online. 9 November 2007 http://news.bbc.co.uk/2/hi/middle_east/3677206.stm

Nablus A Palestinian city in the northern West Bank. Est. population 132,000.

Jerusalem Known as Al Quds (“The Holy”) in Arabic and Yerushalayim or Zion in Hebrew. A city located in the center of both Israel and the West Bank portion of the Occupied Palestinian Territories. Home to approximately 730,000 people from all three monotheistic religions, as well as sacred sites from these faiths within close proximity, including the Western Wall, the al Aqsa Mosque and the Church of the Holy Sepulcher. The Green Line, or the 1949 cease-fire line between Israel, Egypt, Jordan, Syria and Lebanon, demarcates the unofficial boundary between Israel and the West Bank, and divides Jerusalem. Israel immediately declared Jerusalem as its capital in 1948, and enshrined this in its Basic Laws in 1980. Palestinians aspire to declare Jerusalem as the capital of a nascent Palestine. Following the War of 1967, Israel extended its sovereignty to the Eastern half of the city, including the Old City and the holy shrines, which were controlled by Jordan from 1948. Israel “unified” East and West Jerusalem in its 1980 “Jerusalem Law”, leaving borders undefined. Most countries do not recognize Israeli sovereignty over the entire city, an opinion codified in UN Security Council Resolution 478. Rather, they regard Jerusalem’s status as undetermined, pending final status negotiations between Israel and the Palestinians. See: “Jerusalem” Kumaraswamy, P.R. Historical Dictionary of the Arab-Israeli Conflict. Oxford: The Scarecrow Press, 2006. To read the text of the 1980 Basic Law see Basic Law-Jerusalem-Capital of Israel. Israel Ministry of Foreign Affairs. 19 June 2007.

Haifa An Israeli city on the Mediterranean Sea in the north of the country, comprising Palestinian and Jewish citizens of Israel, Haifa is Israel's third largest city and largest port. Est. population 266,000.

Seeds of Peace A coexistence program for teenagers from conflict regions throughout the world, with a focus on Israelis and Palestinians. In addition to its year-long programs in Israel and Palestine, Seeds of Peace runs a summer camp in the United States. A session at camp includes paricipation in daily facilitated discussion sessions as well as recreational activities.

Dir Hana A village in the Galilee in Israel, its citizens are predominantly Palestinian citizens of Israel.

Jezreel Valley A large, fertile valley in the lower Galilee in Israel.

Givat Haviva An education, research and documentation center, founded in 1949. It is located in the Northern Sharon Valley in Israel. Its primary goal is to foster dialogue towards peace, community work, and education among citizens of Israel. Over 50,000 people take part annually in the seminars, workshops, courses, conferences and other projects offered by the organization. The arts, research, and publications are important components of its activities. See http://www.dialogate.org.il/peace/default.asp

Closures Closures are restrictions imposed by the Israeli army by and large on Palestinians attempting to travel within areas of the West Bank, East Jerusalem, Gaza and Israel. Closure often means sealing off a population center so that individuals cannot get in or out unless they have a special permit. See also “checkpoints” in the glossary. See Keshet, Yehudit Kirstein. CheckpointWatch: Testimonies from Occupied Palestine. London: Zed Books, 2006. For facts, figures, and maps on the web, see “Machsom Watch.” Women for Human Rights. 21 June 2007 http://www.machsomwatch.org/eng/homePageEng.asp?link=homePage&lang=eng and Smith, Chris. “Closure: The Daily Reality of Israel’s Occupation.” Middle East Report Online. 27 August 2001. 21 June 2007 http://www.merip.org/mero/mero082701.html and “Restrictions on Movement.” B’Tselem. 21 June 2007

West Bank Geographical territory located to the west of the Jordan River and the Dead Sea. Israel refers to it as “Judea” and “Samaria.” It has been under Israeli military control since 1967, although certain powers and responsibilities were transferred to the Palestinian Authority as part of the Oslo process in the 1990s (see Oslo process and Areas A, B and C). The Palestinian population of the West Bank is approximately 2.5 million, in addition to approximately 270,000 Jewish settlers. The West Bank, along with the Gaza Strip, comprises the Occupied Palestinian Territories. See “West Bank.” 1 November 2007. CIA World Factbook. 10 November 2007 https://www.cia.gov/library/publications/the-world-factbook/geos/we.html

Druze A distinct ethno-religious group that resides primarily in Syria, Lebanon, Israel and Jordan. The Druze population’s religion stems from an eleventh century offshoot of Shia Islam, which originated in Egypt, although some claim origin from the Prohet Jephtha. The Druze religion is monotheistic and includes the notion of reincarnation. There are approximately one million Druze living in the Middle East; 40%-50% of them are living in Syria, 30%-40% in Lebanon, 1%-2% in Jordan, and 6%-7% in Israel. Druze make up approximately 1.6% of the Israeli population (est. 115,000); they serve in Israeli public office as well as the army. Theoretically the Druze have been citizens of the State of Israel since its foundation, although they were under Military Administration until 1962, and maintain they were discriminated against with regard to welfare services, development assistance and appointment to senior official positions. The Druze in Israel have high levels of poverty and low levels of educational attainment. See Hattis Rolef, Susan. Political Dictionary of the State of Israel. Jerusalem: Jerusalem Publishing House, 1993. See online “Druzes.” Institute of Druze Studies. 24 June 2007

Military Service Israeli Law requires that all Israeli citizens and permanent residents begin serving in the Israeli Defense Forces at the age of 18. Effective 1948 and codified in the 1986 National Defense Service Law, which stipulates that all men serve 3 years, and women 20-21 months. All non-Jewish women and all Palestinian men, except Druze, are automatically exempt from service, although volunteers are occasionally admitted and some Bedouins are encouraged. Reserve service is required until the age of 51 in the case of men, and 24 in the case of women.

Checkpoints Roadblocks or military installations used by security forces to control and restrict pedestrian movement and vehicle traffic. The Israeli army makes widespread use of checkpoints in the Occupied Palestinian Territories in order to control the movement of Palestinians between Palestinian cities and villages and between the Occupied Palestinian Territories and Israel. Checkpoints can be large and semi-permanent structures resembling simple basic border crossings (such as the Kalandia checkpoint between Ramallah and Jerusalem or the Hawara checkpoint between Nablus and Ramallah) or small, temporary barriers on roadways or outside towns or villages. The security forces at a checkpoint exercise total control over movement through the checkpoint. Depending upon the location of the checkpoint, soldiers may and often do check the identity papers of every vehicle passenger and/or pedestrian who wishes to pass through. At certain checkpoints, mostly those that delineate Areas A, B and C, soldiers refuse passage to all who have not obtained permits from the Israeli military’s Civil Administration in the Occupied Palestinian Territories. Palestinians and Israeli observers cite frequent, if not routine, incidences of delay and harassment of Palestinian civilians at checkpoints, regardless of the status of their papers. There are currently checkpoints at the entry and exit points of every large Palestinian populated area in the West Bank, on every major road within the West Bank, and at every crossing point on the Green Line between Israel and the Occupied Palestinian Territories, in addition to many smaller checkpoints within the West Bank. According to the Israeli Army, a checkpoint is a “security mechanism to prevent the passage of terrorists from PA territory into Israel while maintaining both Israeli and Palestinian daily routine,” used to “facilitate rapid passage of Palestinians while providing maximal security to Israeli citizens.” See also “closures” in the glossary. See Keshet, Yehudit Kirstein. CheckpointWatch: Testimonies from Occupied Palestine. London: Zed Books, 2006. For facts, figures, and maps on the web, see “Machsom Watch.” Women for Human Rights. 21 June 2007 and Smith, Chris. “Closure: The Daily Reality of Israel’s Occupation.” Middle East Report Online. 27 August 2001. 21 June 2007and “Restrictions on Movement.” B’Tselem. 21 June 2007

War of 1967 Commonly referred to by Palestinians as the “June War” or “al-Naksa” and Israelis as the “1967 War” or “Six-Day War.” The war began in the early morning of June 5, 1967, when the Israeli air force preemptively attacked and destroyed most of the Egyptian Air Force while still on the ground, responding to Egyptian President Gamel Abdul Nasser’s closing of the Straits of Tiran to Israeli ships in 22 May 1967. Earlier in the month, Nasser had deployed Egyptian troops to the Sinai Peninsula and had asked for the removal of the UN troops there, who obliged and left. Prior to these steps by Nasser, false intelligence reports by the Soviet Union claimed that Israel was planning an attack on Syria for their sponsorship of Palestinian guerillas and was massing troops on its borders. It is still a matter of debate as to whether Nasser knew that the Soviet reports were false (and acted anyway) or believed they were true. Jordanian and Iraqi forces joined Syrian and Egyptian troops immediately after Israel’s June 5 air strike. The war lasted six days during which Israel captured the Egyptian Sinai peninsula, the Syrian Golan Heights, and the rest of pre-1948 Palestine, comprised of East Jerusalem, the West Bank and Gaza Strip—then under respective Jordanian and Egyptian control, which have subsequently come to be known as the Occupied Palestinian Territories. Israel also captured Jordanian-controlled Jerusalem during the war. See Cleveland, William L. A History of the Modern Middle East. Boulder: Westview Press, 2000 and Herzog, Chaim. Arab-Israeli Wars. New York: Vintage Books, 2005. Haddad, William, Ghada Talhami and Janice Terry The June 1967 War After Three Decades Association of Arab-American University Graduates: 1999. See online: A country study: Israel. 8 November 2005. Library of Congress. June 14, 2007 http://lcweb2.loc.gov/frd/cs/iltoc.html

Occupation The “Occupation” is used to refer to Israel’s military control of the West Bank, East Jerusalem and Gaza Strip. It may also refer to Israel’s occupation of the Syrian Golan Heights, although the territory was annexed by Israel in 1981. International legal bodies do not recognize the annexation. See “Occupied Palestinian Territories.”

1948 The year 1948 is often mentioned in reference to a series of historical events that have impacted both Palestinians and Israelis, notably, the war between Israel and Egypt, Syria, Lebanon, Iraq, and Jordan (known as Transjordan at the time). 1948 is remembered in Israel as the year of independence and in the Arab world, especially among Palestinians, as Al-Nakba, “the catastrophe.” 1948 saw the establishment of the State of Israel and the continued flight and expulsion of hundreds of thousands of Palestinians from the territory previously known as the British mandate of Palestine. For details and sources see War of 1948, Al-Nakba, and Haatzmaut/Independence Day.

Aliyah (Hebrew, pl aliyot) To ascend. Traditionally used to describe the act of a Jew moving to Eretz Yisrael, or the historic land of Israel (See Eretz Yisrael in glossary). In modern Israeli history, refers to the various waves of immigration to what is now the state of Israel, beginning with the First Aliyah of 1882 to Palestine. From the 1880s to the end of World War II, Palestine experienced five major waves of Aliyah, and another major influx following the war. Since the establishment of the State of Israel in 1948, Israel has codified encouragement of Aliyah to Diaspora Jews in the Law of Return. See Kumaraswamy, P.R. “Aliya.” Historical Dictionary of the Arab-Israeli Conflict. Oxford: The Scarecrow Press, 2006.

War of 1956-Sinai Campaign The 1956 War, Sinai Campaign, or Suez Crisis was a brief military campaign in October and November of 1956, during which Israel, France, and Britain attacked the Egyptian Sinai peninsula and Suez Canal. The three countries colluded to achieve separate goals: Israel was reacting to Egypt’s closing of the straits of Tiran, which connected the Red Sea port of Eilat to the Indian Ocean, as well as to the closing of the Suez Canal to Israeli shipping. France and Britain were responding to Egyptian President Gemal Abdul Nasser’s nationalization of the Suez Canal, a move that challenged European economic interests in the region. The canal had been built by a British French consortium. As arranged by the three countries beforehand, Israel entered the Sinai Peninsula on October 29, 1956, followed by British air raids of military targets near Cairo and the Suez Canal on October 31, and a British and French paratrooper drop just north of the Suez Canal on November 5. On November 6, Britain and France agreed to a United Nations sponsored cease-fire. While the three countries had secured the Sinai Peninsula and the Suez Canal, they were forced to withdraw entirely following enormous pressure from the United States and Soviet Union. Britain and France withdrew in December and Israel withdrew in March of 1957. Having nationalized the Suez Canal early in the year on July 26, the 1956 War resulted in a sweeping political success for Egyptian President Gamel Abdul Nasser. See Herzog, Chaim. Arab-Israeli Wars. New York: Vintage Books, 2005 and Cleveland, William L. A History of the Modern Middle East. Boulder: Westview Press, 2000. Hourani, Albert A History of the Arab Peoples (Harvard University Press: 1991) pp. 365-9. See online “UN GA Resolution 997.” MidEastWeb. 10 November 2007 http://www.mideastweb.org/ga997.htm

War of 1973 Also referred to as the “October War,” “Yom Kippur War,” or “Ramadan War.” A coalition of Egyptian and Syrian forces with backing by Jordan, Iraq and with financial support from Saudi Arabia, launched a surprise attack on Israeli forces on 6 October 1973 in an attempt to regain control of the Sinai Peninsula and Golan heights, both captured by Israel during the war of 1967. While Israel suffered several military setbacks, particularly at the beginning of the campaign, Egyptian-Syrian efforts ultimately proved unsuccessful. However, the ability of the Egyptian troops to breach the Israeli Bar Lev line east of the Suez Canal at the beginning of the war served as a major victory for Egyptian President Anwar Sadat, paving the way for his historic trip to Jerusalem in 1977 and the Camp David Accords of 1978. See Cleveland, William L. A History of the Modern Middle East. Boulder: Westview Press, 2000 and Herzog, Chaim. Arab-Israeli Wars. New York: Vintage Books, 2005. Badri, Hasan The Ramadan War, 1973 (Hero Books: 1985). See online: A country study: Israel. 8 November 2005. Library of Congress. June 14, 2007 http://lcweb2.loc.gov/frd/cs/iltoc.html

1991 Gulf War (January 16, 1991–February 28, 1991) Military action by a US-led coalition of 32 states to expel Iraqi forces from Kuwait. Iraqi forces invaded Kuwait on August 2, 1990, and claimed it as an Iraqi province. In relation to the Israeli-Palestinian crisis, the war had disastrous consequences for Palestinians. The refugee community in Kuwait was all but destroyed by the end of the invasion, and the Palestine Liberation Organization (PLO) lost vital diplomatic and financial support from the Gulf States due to their vocal support of Saddam Hussein. Israel was also directly affected. On January 18, Iraqi scud missiles hit Israel for the first time. In total, approximately 40 scuds were launched against Israel in the month that followed. See Mattar, Philip. “Gulf Crisis.” Philip Mattar, ed. Encyclopedia of the Palestinians. New York: Facts on File, 2005. See online The Gulf War: Chronology. PBS. 19 June 2007 and “Persian Gulf War.” Encyclopedia Britannica. 2007. Encyclopedia Britannica Online. 19 June 2007

British Mandate The administrative, diplomatic and military mandate by Britain over Palestine between 1923 and 1947. Following World War I and the defeat of Germany and the Ottoman Empire, France and Britain set out to delineate spheres of influence in the Middle East. Pursuant to the informal Sykes-Picot Agreement, the Allied powers laid out details at the April 1920 San Remo Conference for formal mandated divisions. The mandate for Palestine was one of a number of mandates in the Middle East designed to formalize British and French administration in the newly formed countries of Syria, Lebanon, Iraq, Transjordan, and Palestine. The British mandate over Palestine was approved by the League of Nations Council on July 24, 1922, and declared official as of September 29, 1923. The mandate continued until 1947, when Britain sought the aid of the United Nations in determining the fate of the territory, which was at this time hotly disputed by both Zionist and Arab nationalist aspirations, evidenced by violent protests and rising militancy on both sides. British de facto rule in Palestine lasted from December 1917 to June 1948. See Lesch, Ann M. “Palestine Mandate.” Philip Mattar, ed. Encyclopedia of the Palestinians. New York: Facts on File, 2005. See “Israel Country Study.” Library of Congress. 21 June 2007 . Path Israel; 1908-1945.

2006 Lebanon War Known in Lebanon as the July War and in Israel as the Second Lebanon War, this military conflict began 12 July 2006 when Hezbollah, a Lebanese radical Shi’a movement crossed the Israeli border kidnapping two Israeli soldiers and killing three others. The attack partially related to Hezbollah’s ongoing campaign to claim the Sheba’a Farms, a small stretch of land bordering Israel, Syria and Lebanon, for Lebanon (See Sheba’a Farms). Hezbollah spokespersons, however, described the kidnapping as a strategy to secure the release of Lebanese and Arab prisoners in Israeli jails. Five more Israeli soldiers died in an operation to rescue the abducted soldiers. Both sides officially waged war immediately following the incident. The 33-day war that followed involved Hezbollah rocket attacks on Northern Israel and an Israeli Army ground invasion and air strike campaign, targeting Lebanese infrastructure and Hezbollah bases, but also greatly affecting civilian areas. Israel also implemented a blockade of the entire Lebanese coast. A UN brokered ceasefire went into effect on 14 August 2006. The conflict subsided on 8 September 2006 when Israel lifted its naval blockade of Lebanon. The War between Hezbollah and Israel claimed over a thousand lives, most of them Lebanese, and displaced 974,184 Lebanese and 300,000-500,000 Israelis, almost all of whom eventually returned to their homes. See Achcar, Gilbert. The 33-day war: Israel’s war with Hezbollah in Lebanon and its consequences. Boulder: Paradigm Publishers, 2007 and Cossali, Paul. “Arab-Israeli Relations1967-2006.” Europa Regional Surveys of the World: The Middle East and North Africa 2007. 53rd ed. New York: Routledge, 2007. See online “Timeline of the July War 2006.” The Daily Star Lebanon. 2007. And “Hizbullah attacks northern Israel and Israel's response.” Israel Ministry of Foreign Affairs. 2007. 

Refers to the killing of 19 Palestinian civilians, including 9 children, by an Israeli artillery shell in Gaza. See http://www.guardian.co.uk/world/2006/nov/08/israel2


IDF Acronym for Israel Defense Forces, the State of Israel's military.

Two-state solution Refers to the notion of establishing a sovereign Palestinian state alongside a sovereign State of Israel. Has been the most accepted framework in Palestinian-Israeli peace talks since the Oslo process began in 1993. Key disputed issues for a two-state solution include: the actual boundaries of a nascent contemporary Palestine; the location of its capital; the nature of government; the type of economic relations with its neighbors; the handling of Palestinian refugees seeking repatriation to Israel and/or Palestine or compensation by Israel; the degree of access to natural resources as well as control over borders; the contiguity of land; defense matters and air space; Israel’s final borders and jurisdiction; access to and control over Jerusalem’s holy sites by both states; the status of Israel’s settlements.

Right of Return International law enshrines the right of a person to leave and return to his or her country. Article 13 of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights states that: “Everyone has the right to freedom of movement and residence within the borders of each State. Everyone has the right to leave any country, including his own, and to return to his country.” Within the context of the Israeli-Palestinian conflict, the Right of Return has two controversial connotations: For the descendants of the 700,000-800,000 Palestinians who became refugees during the period of the creation of the State of Israel, as well as for the Palestinian refugees from the war in 1967, the Right of Return refers to their right to return to their pre-1948 and/or pre-1967 homes and lands and—should they freely choose not to return home—to receive compensation. UN General Assembly Resolution 194 affirms this right but is yet to be implemented. By contrast, under the Israeli Law of Return, the right of return refers to the right of Jews worldwide as well as their descendants, to receive Israeli citizenship and to live as full citizens in the land of Israel. The Law of Return was meant to facilitate the ingathering of Jews worldwide and to fulfill the Zionist aim of creating a refuge in the State of Israel for Jews fleeing persecution and anti-Semitism. For documents relating to the right of return for Palestinian refugees see “Israel, Palestine and the Occupied Territories…” Global Policy Forum. 19 October 2007 http://www.globalpolicy.org/security/issues/israel-palestine/returnindex.htm. For a text of Israeli Law of Return and its amendments see “Law of Return: 5710-1950” Israel Ministry of Foreign Affairs. 19 October 2007 http://www.mfa.gov.il/MFA/MFAArchive/1950_1959/Law+of+Return+5710-1950.htm

Settlement A settlement is a Jewish community usually existing outside the internationally accepted boundaries of the State of Israel. Those ideologically in support of them do not call them “settlements.” The settler movement began following the war of 1967, when Israel occupied the West Bank, East Jerusalem, Gaza, the Golan Heights in Syria, and the Sinai in Egypt. Settlements are most controversial when they are built within the Occupied Palestinian Territories of the West Bank, East Jerusalem and Gaza, which some Israelis refer to as Judea and Samaria or as “disputed territories,”—often on land confiscated from Palestinians. Proponents of the settler movement say that settlement on these lands is a divine right, mandated by religious texts, and part of the Zionist imperative to settle Eretz Yisrael or The Land of Israel (see Zionism). Less ideological proponents regard it as a security necessity for Israel. Opponents argue that such settlements are illegal under international law, that they annex Palestinian-owned land, and preclude the final status of disputed borders between Israel and a future Palestinian state. By and large, settlements receive government funding, as well as military and infrastructural support. The course of the separation barrier frequently juts into the West Bank in order to protect Jewish settlements within this territory. In 2005, the Likud government initiated the withdrawal of 8000 Israeli settlements from Gaza and from a handful of settlements in the West Bank. Approximately 135 settlements remain in the West Bank (including East Jerusalem), with a population of 419,000 in 2005. See Gorenberg, Gershon. The Accidental Empire: Israel and the Birth of the Settlements 1967-1977. New York: Henry Holt, 2006. Masalha, Nur Imperial Israel And The Palestinians: The Politics of Expansion (Pluto Press: 2000). See online “Land Expropriation and Settlements.” B’Tselem. 9 November 2007 http://www.btselem.org/English/Settlements/

Rabin, Yitzhak (1922–95) Prime Minister from 1974–1977 and 1992–1995. He was the first Prime Minister born in Israel. He served as Chief of Staff during the 1967 war, following years in the military. He was an active member of the Labor Party from 1973. Rabin was also Defense Minister from 1984–1990 during the first intifada, which he sought to crush militarily. His strategy during that period was characterized by the order for “force, might and beatings.” In 1993, in his capacity as Prime Minister, Rabin took steps toward accepting a future Palestinian state by launching the Oslo Process with the Chairman of the Palestine Liberation Organization (PLO), Yasser Arafat. The two shared the 1994 Nobel Peace Prize along with Shimon Peres. He later helped broker Israel’s 1994 peace treaty with Jordan. Rabin was assassinated on 4 Nov 1995 by a Jewish extremist. See Gresh, Alain and Dominique Vidal. The New A-Z of the Middle East. New York: IB Tauris, 2004. See online “Yitzhak Rabin.” Encyclopedia Britannica Online. 18 October 2007 http://www.britannica.com/eb/article-9062358/Yitzhak-Rabin

Hebron A Palestinian city in the West Bank, located 30 kilometers south of Jerusalem. Al-Khalil (“Friend of God”) in Arabic and Khevron in Hebrew, its population is approximately 160,000, the majority of whom are Palestinian Muslims, with approximately 400 Jewish settlers living in the center of the city and an Israeli military presence. Tension between the settler and local Palestinian population is high, with the Israeli army and settler population often severely limiting the movement and security of Palestinian residents. Hebron is the site of numerous massacres in recent history (See 1929 Riots and Baruch Goldstein/Hebron Massacre). The Temporary International Presence in the city of Hebron (TIPH) has been present in the city since 1997, after requests by both Israeli and Palestinian authorities to observe and report breaches of human rights law and regional agreements. The city is home to the Tomb of the Patriarchs, known in Islam as the Ibrahimi Mosque, the supposed burial site of the biblical patriarchs and matriarchs, a site sacred to both Muslims and Jews. See online the Temporary International Presence in the City of Hebron at http://www.tiph.org/

Goldstein, Baruch/Hebron Massacre An immigrant from Brooklyn and follower of the late ultra-right wing Meir Kahane, Goldstein opened fire on Palestinian Muslims during Friday prayers, February 25th, 1994, in the Ibrahimi Mosque [Tomb of the Patriarchs], a site which is holy for both Muslims and Jews. He killed 29 people before being subdued and killed by the worshipers themselves.

HAMAS (Arabic for “zeal” and an acronym for “Harakat al-Muqawamah al-Islamiyya” or “Islamic Resistance Movement”). Inspired ideologically and organizationally by the Muslim Brotherhood in Egypt and founded in 1987 at the beginning of the first intifada, HAMAS’ long-term and declared aim is the destruction of the State of Israel in order to establish an Islamic state in all of the land of British mandatory Palestine. It is the largest Palestinian militant Islamist group. It uses political, social and militant means to further its goals, and claims responsibility for militant operations, including the use of suicide bombings that have killed hundreds of Israeli soldiers and civilians. The European Union and Israeli and American governments consider HAMAS to be a terrorist organization. Its followers view HAMAS as a legitimate force fighting against Israel’s occupation over Palestinian territories. HAMAS also provides charitable social and educational services, primarily in Gaza. It runs candidates in municipal elections and closed elections for university councils, trade union groups and nongovernmental organizations. The Israeli military has assassinated many of its political and military leaders in the last few years, including the spiritual leader and founder Sheikh Ahmad Isma’il Yassin and political/military leader Abdel Aziz Rantisi. HAMAS’ success in recent Palestinian local elections (January 2005), and its dramatic rise to power in parliamentary elections in January 2006 has led some to speculate that the group is transforming from a primarily militant organization seeking an Islamic state over all of the land of British mandated Palestine to a political party focused on political control in the Occupied Palestinian Territories. Fatah refused to accept the results of the 2006 elections, causing tensions between the two groups. In July 2007, HAMAS wrested control over all of the Gaza Strip from its main rival, Fatah. Soon after, PA President Mahmoud Abbas dismantled the newly formed unity government that included members of both Fatah and HAMAS, effectively ending HAMAS’ official role in the Palestinian Authority government. See Chehab, Zaki. Inside Hamas: The Untold Story of the Militant Islamic Movement. New York: Avalon, 2007 and Hroub, Khaled. Hamas: A Beginner’s Guide. London: Pluto Press, 2006. See online “Backgrounder: Hamas.” 2007. Council on Foreign Relations. 29 August 2007 http://www.cfr.org/publication/8968/#6

al-Assad, Bashar (1965-) President of Syrian Arab Republic, 2000-Present. Bashar al-Assad assumed the presidency upon the death of his father and former Syrian president, Hafez al-Assad. Bashar al-Assad has largely continued his father’s policies despite a brief period of liberalization in 2000. Since 2007, his regime has engaged in indirect negotiations with Israel in an attempt to outline the details of a peace agreement, which would include the return of all or part of the occupied Golan Heights. See “Profile: Syria’s Bashar al-Assad.” 10 March 2005. BBC News. 14 July 2008. http://news.bbc.co.uk/2/hi/middle_east/2579331.stm

Term used by U.S. President George W. Bush in 2002 to describe three nations he deemed a threat to world security because they sought weapons of mass destruction. The three countries first named were Iraq, Iran, and North Korea, although the term was later expanded to refer to Syria, Libya, and Cuba as well. See http://news.bbc.co.uk/2/hi/americas/1971852.stm


AIPAC An American lobby group located in Washington, DC seeking to promote the passing of American legislation and government budgetary allocations that they deem favorable to Israeli government policy, The American Israel Public Affairs Committee (AIPAC) was founded in the 1950s. AIPAC is today one of the most influential Israeli lobby groups in the United States. See the AIPAC website at http://www.aipac.org/documents/whoweare.html

Israeli Intelligence Service/Shabak/Shin Bet The Israeli Security Agency, also known as Shabak, Shin Bet, and the General Security Service (GSS), which is engaged in internal security intelligence, as opposed to the Mossad which deals with spying on the international front. Internal in this case means that the service operates within Israel proper and the Occupied Palestinian Territories. The service is especially involved in providing intelligence about terrorist organizations.

Mossad “The Institute”, the Israeli spy agency whose full name is “The Institute for Intelligence and Special Operations.” It is the Israeli equivalent of the CIA or the British MI6.